Ancestors of the Baltzer Family


The name “Balsor” derives from “Balthasar” and is found from Spain and France across Europe eastward to its roots in the Middle East. “Balthasar” derives from the Hebrew “Balthasar”, meaning “shining prince” and also “may God protect his life”. It became a very popular name in Germany because of the story of the Three Kings/Three Wise Men, Caspar, Melchior and Balthasar, who came to the manger to honour the birth of Christ. This is reflected in the tradition of writing the letters “C+M+B” over the door of a home on Three Kings Day, January 6th, to protect the home from “bad fate”. The twelve days of Christmas start on December 25 and end with the Feast of Epiphany on January 6, also known as the Three Kings’ Day. These are the three Kings, Wise Men or Magi of the Biblical story of the birth of Christ in Bethlehem. Balthasar, Caspar and Melchior are common first names in Germany and are in use to this day.


From Switzerland To Germany


HINRIGGE BALTHASAR is the earliest identified ancestor of the Nova Scotia branch of the Balsor family. He was born about 1466 in the Rhaetian Alps, the remains of the Holy Roman Empire and now part of Switzerland. Hinrigge is an old form of “Heinrich” or, in English, “Henry”.


In 1496 Hinrigge Balthasar held the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in the Swiss Army. In the early 1500’s he moved to Briedenbach, now in Hesse, Germany. It is likely that the Balthasar’s were followers of Zwingli and had moved from France to Switzerland for religious reasons. Hinrigge Balthasar was hired at an unknown date as a military advisor by the Earl of Briedenbach. As appointment to military rank required either money or connections, and usually both, Hinrigge must have come from a family of some repute. Hinrigge’s son, Christian Balthasar, was born in Briedenbach about 1509. The name of his mother is unknown.


According to records found in May 1997 in the private archives of Brieden Castle, Hinrigge von Balthasar arrived from Switzerland, either Zurich or Lucerne, via Strasbourg into Marburg in September 1529, second in command of the guards accompanying the Swiss reformers Ulrich Zwingli and J. Pekolumpadius, and the reformers Martin Bucer, K. Hedio, and J. Sturm from Strasbourg, Alsace.


Ulrich Zwingli was an important Swiss Protestant reformer whose views conflicted in part with those of Martin Luther. “Through the good offices of Philip the Magnanimous, Landgrave of Hesse, the Colloquy of Marburg, 1529, was arranged with a view to reconciliation: Martin Luther, Ulrich Zwingli and Martin Bucer all participated. Cordial agreement was reached on most issues, but the critical gulf remained in relation to sacramental presence, and Luther refused the hand of fellowship extended by Zwingli and Bucer.” [The New Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol 12, 1985.]



CHRISTIAN BALTHASAR [Hinrigge] died in Briedenbach about 1554 at around 45 years of age. He had three known sons, however, the name of his wife and any other children are not known:

1)      Martin Baltzer, born circa [b.c.] 1540;

2)      Christian Heinrich Balthasar, b.c. 1545, Briedenbach; Christian Heinrich Balthasar became the progenitor of Balthasar, Baltzer and Balzar families  in Briedenbach and Briedenstein of Hesse-Darmstadt Prussia, and Lasaphe of Westphalia Prussia, that spread from what is now Hesse into Westphalia, Germany.

3)      Seifert Balthasar b.c. 1547, Briedenbach, d. 1604 Schoenstadt, Hesse, Germany; m. Elizabeth; Seifert Balthasar became the progenitor of the Baltzer, Balser, Beltzer families of Geissen, Hesse-Darmstadt, Prussia [ now Geissen, Hesse, Germany].



MARTIN BALTZER [Christian, Hinrigge] was probably born in Briedenbach and had at least one son:

i.                    Christian Baltzer, b.c. 1575


The Peace of Augsburg, 1555, granted to each prince of the Prussian empire the right to choose Catholicism or Lutheranism, but not Calvinism, as the religion of his state, the choice to be binding on all his subjects. In general, Lutheranism prevailed in the northern states and Catholicism in the south and Rhineland. During the years 1541-1564, John Calvin headed a theocratic state at Geneva.


Almost all of the available genealogical information from the early German-speaking states is from church records.  In 1563, the Catholic parishes began keeping registers of vital data, such as christenings/births, marriages, deaths and burials. In 1614, Catholic priests were ordered to start keeping death records, in addition to those of christenings and marriages.  Although a few Catholic Baltzers were found, since the Reformation, those in this lineage were either found in Lutheran or Reformed Calvinistic churches.



CHRISTIAN BALTZER [Martin, Christian, Hinrigge] was born circa 1575. He died 11 August 1639 in Quotshausen, Hesse, Germany at the age of 64. His wife was Anna Katarina b.c. 1589, d.c. 10 January 1669 at the age of 80, after 30 years of widowhood.


Christian and Anna Katarina had five known children, one son and two daughters of whom lived to adulthood:

1)      Jacob Baltzer, christened [C.] 17 October 1624, Quotshausen, Hesse, Germany;

2)      Anna Baltzer b. 8 October 1626, Quotshausen, Hesse, Germany;

3)      ? Baltzer b.c. 1627, d. 1636 (age 11), Quotshausen, Hesse, Germany;

4)      Bernhard Baltzer b. 6 January 1628/29, Quotshausen, Hesse, Germany;

5)      Elisabeth Baltzer b. 6 March 1629/30, d. 17 December 1630 (age 9 or 21 months), Quotshausen, Hesse, Germany.


Their first child, Jacob, was christened 17 October 1624, therefore it is probable they were married in 1623 when Christian was 48 years old and Anna Katarina, 34. There is no record of an earlier marriage which means these were advanced ages for initial matrimony, especially, the bride. It was not unusual for a man to marry late, or several times, but Christian may have been in the military as his grandfather had.  If so, he may have been fighting in the 30 Year War and not free to marry while he could still fight, or until he became injured. There is no record of it, but she may have been a widow of a fellow soldier or kept at home to care for parents and relatives.


The 30 Year War, 1618-1648, that followed the Reformation in Germany was actually a series of several wars in which a number of armies crossed and recrossed the Germanic areas north to south, east to west and back again and again, destroying towns and cities, killing people, laying waste to the countryside, raiding, marauding and disabling commerce and transportation. The Germanic Catholic League and Spain were on one side and the Germanic Protestant Union, Denmark, Sweden and France on the other.


JACOB BALTZER [Christian, Martin, Christian, Hinrigge] was christened 17 October 1624 in Quotshausen, Hesse, Germany and died in 1687 in Bracht, Hesse, Germany at the age of 63. On 17 October 1644, at the age of 20, he married Gertrud Weber, 24 years old. She was born in 1620 and was buried 14 May 1702 after 82 years of life. She was the daughter of Andreas Weber. They had four known children:

1)      Johann Kurt Baltzer b. 1646 in Bracht, Hesse, Germany, d. 16 February 1717;

2)      Johannes Baltzer b. 1658;

3)      Christian Baltzer b. 1660 in Bracht, Hesse, Germany;

4)      Anna Baltzer b.c.  1662 in Bracht, Hesse, Germany.



JOHANN KURT BALTZER [Jacob, Christian, Martin, Christian, Hinrigge] lived 71 years and had three wives. In 1675, at the age of 29, he married Anna Katarina Schneider b. 1644, and who d.c. 27 March 1704 at the age of 60. They had at least two sons:

1)            Wilhelm Friederich Baltzer b. 6 August 1676, Bracht, Hesse, Germany;

2)            Johannes Conrad Ludwig Baltzer b. 1679, Bracht, Hesse, Germany; d. 7 February 1723, Willersdorf; m. Anna Elizabeth Vaupel 26 June 1704, Willersdorf.


Three years after the death of his first wife, Johann Kurt Baltzer married Katharina Kohler, 21 November 1707. He was 61 and she probably 42. She was born circa 1665, the daughter of a teacher in Oberrosphe and was buried 27 September 1711 in Bracht. After her death he married for the third time , in 1713, to Zfiavota [sp?] Schneider the daughter of Johannes Schneider. [Is she a sister of his first wife?]



WILHELM FRIEDERICH BALTZER [Johann, Jacob, Christian, Martin, Christian, Hinrigge] was born 6 August 1676 in Bracht, Hesse, Germany and died in 1720 at Frankenberg, Hesse, age 44. He married Anna Margaretha Groll born circa 1680 in Frankenberg. They had two recorded sons:

1)      Johann Christoph Baltzer, b. 12 April 1711, Bracht, Hesse; d. 1755, Lunenburg, Nova Scotia;

2)      Johann Freiderich Baltzer, b. 20 May 1713.




The Nova Scotia Baltzer’s Leave Germany


JOHANNES CHRISTOPHER BALTZER [Wilhelm, Johann, Jacob, Christian, Martin, Christian, Hinrigge], his wife and children emigrated from Germany to Nova Scotia in 1752. At the age of 19 he married Anna Elizabeth Weber 14 May 1730 in Rosenthal, Hesse. She was 18, b. 2 July 1712 in Bracht.  His great grandfather, Jacob, had also married a Weber woman from Bracht.


Note: Johannes Christopher Baltzer, the spelling of his name and those of his children and wife is inconsistent in most of the documents, however, he was recorded as often called ‘Stophel  which would have been short for Christophel. This was a common spelling for the German name at this time and because none of them could write it was recorded at the whim of the official as Christoph, Christopher or Christophel, the same for Johannes recorded as Johann, Johanne. Officials would have had little time for persons of his status so, no doubt and wisely, he agreed to whatever the official wished to call him.


Johannes Christopher and Anna Elizabeth had seven children before they left for Nova Scotia, five of whom lived to accompany their parents on the voyage:

1)      Anna Katharina Baltzer, b. 11 June 1731, Rosenthal, Hesse; d. 1738 at  age 7, Marburg, Hesse;

2)       Johannes Heinrich Baltzer, b. 11 March 1734, Rosenthal, Hesse; d. 12 July 1738, the same year as his sister, at age 4, Marburg, Hesse;

3)      Heinrich Christopher Baltzer, b. 12 April 1737, Rosenthal, Hesse;

4)      Anna Maria Baltzer, b. 27 May 1739, Marburg, Hesse;

5)      Johann Peter Baltzer, b, 14 November 1742, Marburg, Hesse;

6)      Anna Gertrud Baltzer, b. 15 August 1743, Marburg, Hesse.

7)      Anna Eva Baltzer, b. unknown


It is possible the family had moved from Bracht where they had lived for three generations to Rosenthal to find a better chance of securing a more prosperous and stable life for their family. Bracht was a very small village and opportunities were probably limited.


Johannes Christopher was a butcher in Rosenthal and then, when he was 27, he moved to Marburg. In 1995 there was still a Baltzer butcher shop in Rosenthal, Germany. The people in the present Rosenthal butcher shop revealed that in the 1800’s a man by the name of Schneider married the last Baltzer girl in Rosenthal and changed his name to Baltzer. By May of 1997, the Baltzer butcher shop had new owners and was operating under the name of Hoeck.


In the days of Johannes Christopher, butchers were middle to upper middle class people, he would have been a tradesman. It is not known whether Johannes Christoper was the owner of the Rosenthal property, or an employee; however, the shop carried the Baltzer name so he was at the very least related to the owner.


Johannes Christopher listed his profession in 1752 as butcher so it seems likely he continued to work as a butcher in Marburg. [Would he have had his own shop or worked for someone else?] It is possible that during the years between 1738 and 1752, Johannes Christophel built himself a respectable butcher trade with a small shop and steady customers; otherwise he would have returned to Rosenthal or Bracht.


In the mid-1940’s Rosenthal was a small village deep in the big forest called the “Burgwald” of Northern Hesse. Today the woods are somewhat thinner and Rosenthal a bit larger, however, Rosenthal is still a “village in the woods” and must have been even smaller in the mid-1700’s. Bracht is even smaller and continues to be surrounded by the Burgwald. Marburg, on the other hand, is a good sized city of 80,000 people. Marburg University was founded in 1527 as the first Protestant university in Europe.


Why would Johoannes Christopher look to the new world?


There had been a long period of shifting alliances, both political and religious, in the Hessian ‘states’ with continuous demands for men to enter the military, heavy taxes to pay for the war effort, religious strife between the Roman Catholics and the growing Protestant movements and a weariness of constant interference with the efforts of the common people to live their lives—The War of the Spanish Succession,“War of Jenkin’s Ear”, 1739 – 1748; the Three Years’War. There are few entries in the Bracht Churchbook from 1748 – 1753. The Bracht historian explained that this was the period of the Three Year War between Hesse and Hanover and the villagers would flee to the woods. The pastor would hide the books and flee as well. The rivalry between England and France, involving supremacy of the seas, and between Prussia and Austria, involving control of the German states, were about to be fought out in the great and bloody Seven Years’ War 1756-1763. Hessian mercenaries were drafted by their aristocracy and hired out in these conflicts.


Johannes Christopher was born just as the great Palatine emigrations to the new world were taking place and so the idea of emigration would not have been a new one to him. By 1752, with two young sons reaching military age, the idea of emigrating himself might have appealed to him. He had already left Bracht for Rosenthal, Rosenthal for Marburg. He may not have been prospering as well in Marburg, or even if he were, the German states had been in turmoil for decades and the future promised more of the same. Religious prosecution was an inconvenience rather than a life threat in Germany by 1750 provided one was willing to worship in the religion of the current ruler. It seems likely that the greater threat was that of his sons being made into mercenary soldiers, one of the “Hessians” dragooned and hired out by the aristocracy to raise revenue that made the promises of a new land appear attractive. There were many Baltzer families who emigrated to the American Colonies or who went as Hessian mercenaries, perhaps he had relations aleady in the new world. Perhaps he was lured by the promise of a land of fresh air and independence where hard work brought rewards. 


In 1750, emigration out of Hesse-Darmstadt was allowed provided the applicant could buy free from the prince. To travel from Marburg to Rotterdam they had to pass through Kleve and/or Emmerich in Hesse-Nassau under bond not to stay but to go directly to their ship, a journey of two to three weeks. Marburg is on the Lahr River but they would have gone overland to the Rhine River and travelled down river on a huge raft of commercial timber.


The last German record of Johannes Christopher Baltzer and his family is the birth of Anna Gertroud Baltzer the 15 August 1743 in Marburg, Hesse, Germany. Two more daughters were born, Anna Eva born in Germany but whose birth date is unknown and Elizabeth, born 1752 in Nova Scotia.


By May, 1752, Johannes Christophel age 41, his wife age 40 and his family, Christopher Heinrich age 15, Anna Maria age 13, Johann Peter age 9, Anna Gertrud age 8 and Anna Eva age unknown had travelled from Marburg, Germany, to Rotterdam, Holland and boarded the ship Sally to emigrate to Halifax, Nova Scotia. Halifax itself had only been founded three years previously and was still a rough military encampment in the wilderness; Lunenburg, their ultimate destination, was only a dot called Merligash on a surveyor’s map.



The Foreign Protestant Settlers


At the time of the founding of Halifax in 1749, the population of Nova Scotia consisted of a small English garrison at Annapolis Royal, a French fort at Louisburg in Cape Breton, and 8,000 or so French Catholic Acadian settlers scattered primarily along the valley between concentrations at Annapolis Royal and Grand Pré.


The Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 granted, generally speaking, mainland Nova Scotia, Maine, SE Quebec and New Brunswick to England while France kept Cape Breton (Ile Royale) and Prince Edward Island (Ile Jt. Jean). The interpretation of the treaty was disputed for the next fifty years with France claiming that the area north of the Bay of Fundy, that is, New Brunswick, Maine and Quebec were never ceded.


France’s attention during this period was on Louisianna and so settlers from France were going to the southern part of North America while those from England were moving to the North East. The increase in the Acadian population of Nova Scotia from 2,000 early in the 1700’s to 8,000 by mid-century was by natural growth rather than new settlers. Meanwhile the number of mainly Protestant settlers from England in “New England” had grown to 150,000. As the hostilities leading up to the Seven Years’ War between England and France for the control of North America increased, concern over the loyalties of the Acadian population of Nova Scotia grew.


English authories wanted them to swear an oath of loyalty to the British crown which could have lead to their having to take up arms against fellow Frenchmen.  The Acadians were adamant, they said they would remain neutral but would not fight against their countrymen. Their refusal to sign the Oath became a major cause of their eventual Expulsion in 1755.  Meanwhile, English authorities decided to off set this potential threat of the Acadians becoming “fifth columnists” by bringing in English-speaking Protestant settlers. Once again creating a situation where French-speaking Catholics were pitted against English-speaking Protestants.


The first shiploads of settlers to Halifax arrived in 1749 with the new Governor of Nova Scotia, Edward Cornwallis. They were 2,500 young men, most of whom quickly boarded the next out-bound ship for the more established and civilized American Colonies of New England. It was noted by Governor Cornwallis, however, that a few of the settlers had been German Swiss and this group showed signs of being good settlers. Thus an official policy was established by the British Lords of Trade in London to bring non-English Protestants to Nova Scotia to establish a loyal, agricultural colony and to build communities capable of exploiting the fishery. The answer, at least for agricultural communities, was to recruit foreign Protestants from the German States; Germans at this point were considered “cultural cousins”. The establishing of Nova Scotia was to be a profitable enterprise.


The Crown hired John Dick in Rotterdam as their agent to recruit settlers and transport them to Nova Scotia. The Crown pursued this policy from 1750 to 1752.


In 1750 and 1751, circulars, written in German and distributed throughout the independent “German” princedoms by John Dick described Nova Scotia and its opportunities. John Dick received one guinea for each settler recruited. The information said that the British government in Nova Scotia would supply them on arrival in the new colony with land, all materials for building houses, furnishings such as beds, kettles, pans and the necessary equipment for agricultural operations such as axes, saws, hoes, ploughs, seed grains and live stock. All the information was authorized by the British Board of Trade and Plantations in London.  It was, however, written in English and then translated into German, an exercise which led to ambiguity and future discontent. The most contentious being the concept of “husbandry” which to the English meant farm animals and their fodder, and was translated to the Germans as “householder” and meant the essentials for establishing a household for a family.


Immigrants were responsible for obtaining legal emigration papers from their local government or prince for themselves and their belongings and for their expenses in travelling to Rotterdam, Holland. Dick’s agent would assist them in acquiring the proper papers and making arrangements for the trip to Rotterdam. He would also pay the duty levied by the King of Prussia on the Rhine through whose territory they had to pass.



The Passage to Nova Scotia


Marburg is located in Hesse along the River Lahn which flows into the Rhine, however, it is broad and placid at this point and only becomes navigable a short distance from the Rhine. Johannes Christopher and his family would have had to travel overland to some location that had direct access to the Rhine or its navigable tributaries.


Travel down the Rhine in the 1750’s was usually by huge rafts of timber carrying hundreds of people. Rafting was a means of transporting logs from the Black Forest down river to be sold for lumber. The logs would be assembled into large rafts by a few experienced people who then hired temporary workers to help guide them down river. There were no other pasengers. These men would trade labour for transportation for themselves and their families aboard the raft. The rafts were disassembled at either Dordrect, Holland, or Ruhrort, Germany. There were many customs controls to be passed and levies to be paid. The Baltzers would have left the raft at one of these points, been met by an agent of John Dick, who paid the final exit toll to the last German prince through whose territory they passed, and brought directly to their ship to await final provisioning and departure. This trip took between two and three weeks.


Johannes Christopher and his family boarded the Sally on 30 May 1752 and “fell down river” to Hellevoet Roads on 2 June. They would have been fed ships rations and kept on board until the ship was ready for departure which could have been a few days to a few weeks. Ships had to anchor at Helevoet roads for a favourable wind to take them to sea, procede to Gosport or Cowes, England, for customs clearance, and then finally, set sail for Halifax, Nova Scotia.


The passage from Rottedam to Nova Scotia could either be paid ahead of time or redeemed in Nova Scotia by working for the local Nova Scotia authority. Fares were based on a unit called a “freight”. Passengers over 14 years were charged as 1 freight, children ages 4 – 14 were charged as ½ freight and children under 4 were carried free. It worked out to about one year’s work per freight. An “Indebtedness List” was signed by each head of household before leaving Rotterdam.


Records show that “Johannas Palser”, 41, a butcher from Hessia, was charged £24-1-3 for 1 male and 1 female passenger, 3 half freights and 2 children totalling 3 ½ freights for 7 persons. As he had at least four children over 4 years, some accommodation must have been reached – no doubt with a comensurate reduction in space and rations, Dick was, afterall, in this for profit.


Conditions aboard Dicks’ ships were standard for the time but unspeakably rough by today’s standards. The emigrants were carried between decks and the average headspace between decks was 5 ¼ to 5 ½ feet. The bedspaces for 4 whole freights, that is four adults, was 6 feet by 6 feet. Half freights were allotted half that space and children under four were allotted none. The Baltzers, having paid for 3 1/2 freights would have been allotted less than this for seven people.


Berths were raised wooden structures, with a space underneath for storage. There was no privacy as walls would have interferred with air circulation. The headroom over the berth was less than four feet and sometime as low as 2 ¾ feet if an upper berth was build in, to accommodate children, for example, as it would have been for the Baltzer’s. The voyage would have been spent below decks as the deck was a working area and needed by the crew. In fine weather the passengers may have been allowed time on deck for fresh air.


Some of the ships stopped in England to replenish stores before setting out across the Atlantic. Food and drink were scanty and often spoiled. Worms and maggots in the provisions and slimey green algae in the water was common by the end of the voyage. Vinegar in the water and sprinkled around the ship would have been thought to prevent sickness. Gin or brandy was added to the water occasionally.


A schedule of ships provisions for a week per adult was:

Sunday:           a lb boiled beef with as much rice as they can eat [weevils and all]

Monday:          barley or groats boiled with treacle as much as will

Tuesday:          1 lb boiled beef with as much rice as they can eat

Wednesday:    barley or rice boiled as on Monday

Thursday:        1/2 lb pork and a pound of flour

Friday: as much dried salt cod boiled as they choose and 1 lb butter

Saturday:         boiled dried peas and a lb of cheese


“with a measure [1 quart] of beer everyday as long as it keeps good, and 2 measures of water, and 6 lb of bread [ hard pilot biscuit, hard tack] per week, and some gin to be distributed by the Captain as he sees fit.”


Half freights received half rations and free children, no rations. The Baltzer’s should have received 3 ½ time the basic adult ration given that they paid for 3 ½ freights.


Fire grates on deck were common at that time and there are stories of passengers being allowed on deck to cook bannock but it seems that part of the food at least was given to the passengers aboard Dick’s ships already cooked.



Arrival at Halifax


The voyage of the Sally was the longest and most arduous of all of Dick’s 12 immigrant trips to Nova Scota. “The Sally experienced terribly adverse weather with exceptionally violent westerly gales, and so arduous that some seamen actually died of fatigue and exhaustion.” The mortality rate was 15.5 %, half again as high as an average voyage. The Captain, Master John Robinson, died and the first mate, William Broeklebank, brought the ship to Halifx under his own command. On the Sally, a young man was listed as surgeon and charged only half a freight for his passage. Doctors in those days were not extensively trained but his prescence may have helped to mitigate the sufferng for both crew and passengers. However, the mortality rate aboard the Sally was the worst of all of these voyages; of the original 258 souls, only 218 arrived alive. Of the passengers, 12 adults and 26 young children died. In four families both parents died, and in four families one parent died. They reached port on 6 September 1752 after 14 weeks at sea.


The  Gale arrived the same day despite having left nearly two weeks later. The Pearl had already arrived on 22 August but her passengers had been held aboard and only disembarked on 5 September. In the case of the Sally and the Gale, their passengers were held on board for three weeks and not allowed ashore until 25-26 September 1752. The reason for the delay is not clear but seems, at least partly, due to quarantine concerns and partly to lack of any housing for the arriving settlers. On being allowed ashore, the 14 orphaned children were taken to the Halifax Orphan Home.


On the 15 August 1752, just weeks before the arrival of the three Foreign Protestant Settler ships, Pearl, Sally and Gale, Governor Edward Cornwallis, who had been wanting to leave this post, was replaced as Governor of Nova Scotia by Colonel Thomas Peregrine Hopson. Hopson wrote about the Pearl, “On the 26 of last month the last of these settlers were landed, when leaving the ship there were above thirty of them that could not stir off the beach, eight of them orphans who immediately had the best care taken of them notwithstanding which, two of them died after being taken to hospital.” This speaks of the ailing condition of many of the arrivals.  


After discharging the passengers, the Sally had additional provisions which were then sold to the Nova Scotia government. [Was this food that could have been distributed to the passengers?] The bed spaces, a 6 foot by 6 foot space for four freights, were ripped out and sold for lumber to make room for cargo on the return voyage.


In 1751, Governor Cornwallis had written to the Board of Trade and Plantations, asking that no more settlers be sent. The cost and labour involved in looking after them until a permanent settlement could be undertaken was greater than expected. In the meantime, Dick had already recruited shiploads of setters for the 1752 sailing season and they were allowed to proceed. [It is interesting that Dick sent five ships during the summer of 1752, more than in either of the previous two years. Did he sense it was the last of a profitable contract?] As a result there was little provision or accommodation ready for those who arrived that summer. The plan had been to use the men to build the fortifications at Halifax but many of them were too sick to work for months and many were not prepared to be labourers but wanted to, in fact needed to, build shelter for themselves and their families.


The people arriving in 1752 found all of the suitable housing, cleared land and employment already taken up by those who had arrived the previous two years. In fact the earlier immigrants were just coming off government provisioning and were still redeeming their passage fares. Winter in Halifax was more severe than in the interior of Germany and within a few weeks of arrival, winter shelter had to be ready for the families. It took all the efforts of the 1752 immigrant settlers to build minimum housing for themselves let alone work on government public works projects such as clearing land, building palisades, public buildings and roads.


The land outside the protection of the fort was still hostile with Indian activity so everyone was confined to the small community and reluctant to work away from its protection.


Johannes Christopher had spent the last fourteen years as a butcher, presumably, in the city of Marburg, his sons had grown up in the city, so it is questionable as to whether they had the skills needed for building a house out of rough lumber, making simple furniture, building a hearth and coping with the necessities of a Canadian winter in a frontier community. The passengers were not allowed to bring many household goods with them as they were told all the basics would be provided once they arrived in Halifax. They would have sold their belongings, heavy bedclothes, pots and pans, kettles for making soap, looms for weaving, furniture and tools. Most of the skills thay had for caring for themselves would not have applied to their reality in Halifax, especially that first winter.


There is no record of where the passengers off the Gale and Sally spent the winter of 1752. There would have been no time to build individual shelters, perhaps they erected a simple barracks and survived by communal living. At worst they would have spent it in tents in an encampment on the outskirts of Halifax. Living conditions were primitive; many people became ill, more due to poor hygiene than the cold.


No doubt there were goods available for those who had the money to pay for them. Some settlers preferred to keep their money for such necessities and work off their passage. Halifax was never their intended destination; there would have been reluctance to spend any money for permanent housing until they reached their final location.


The entire Baltzer family is on the Halifax Victualization Lists for the following dates: 25 Sep – 29 Oct 1752; 30 Oct – 24 Dec 1752; 25 Dec – 18 Feb 1753; and 19 Feb – 15 Apr 1753. After this date they were relocated to the settlement site at Lunenburg. They are listed as Johannes, Anna Elizabeth, Anna Marg, Anna Gertrudt, Anna Eva, Heinrich Chris and John Peter.


A week’s free ration for each settler was:

5 lb bread (hard tack or flour)

3 lb salted beef

2 lb pork

¼ lb butter

1 pint dried peas

¼ pint vinegar

½ pint molasses

½ pint rum


If this food was portioned out in the same manner as aboard ship, this would have been the ration for each person over 14; those 4-14 years would have received half rations and those under 4, nothing. At this time, Johannes Christoper and Anna Elizabeth had five children with them, one 15 years old who qualified for full rations, and either three or four qualifying for half rations. The age of the youngest daughter, Anna Eva, is not known. They may have received five times the above ration clearly showing that large families had an advantage.


At some time during this year, Anna Elizabeth gave birth to another daughter, Elizabeth, whose birth is registered as b. Lunenburg 1752.  They did not move to Lunenburg until the spring of 1753, so Elizabeth had to have been born in Halifax. Conditions aboard the Sally were so appalling that it is doubtful she could have been born aboard ship and survived. She was christened 10 August 1753 in St. John’s Anglican Church, Lunenburg.


By 1752, all the settlers were complaining about having been misled about the conditions of their relocation. They complained of inadequate food for hard labour, high rents for housing, and slowness in moving them to their settlement and in allotting land for vegetable gardens. Another problem was that settlers from New England were starting to show up and they were receivng preferential treatment from the English Governor. In addition, those arriving in 1752 were reimbursed at a rate of only $20 for their labour whereas the earlier arrivals received $30. [I think the $20 is a conversion to today’s money but whatever it is, it is one third less.]



Landfall at Lunenburg


Even by the winter of 1752, no decision had been made as to where the settlers would be located permanently. The plan to move them into small individual settlements along the Isthmus of Chignecto was abandonned due to hostility from the Indian and French population living in the area. Much of Nova Scotia is rocky with shallow soil and unsuitable for farming.


Finally, in the early spring of 1753, the British authorities decided to settle the Foreign Protestant immigrants at an abandoned French hamlet, Merligash, [Merlegueche] about fifty miles down the coast west-south-west of Halifax. It had more than 300 acres of land that had been previously cleared by the French inhabitants which could be quickly put to use for small vegetable gardens. It was close enough to Halifax to be readily supported in time of war. The proximity of Halifax also made it likely that the new settlement would find a ready market for its surplus farm and forest products. The settlement was renamed "Lunenburg".


In the last half of April 1753, surveyors went to Lunenburg to make a rough survey of the land and chose sites for the major elements of the town site; the blockhouse, the main streets, the settler’s house lots and the garden plots. The plan was to give to each family a small plot, 40' by 60', in the future town center along with sufficient building materials for a small, one-room, shelter ("hutt"). Each family was also assigned a small "garden plot" nearby, suitable for the growing of vegetables. The following spring of 1754, 30 acre plots of uncleared land were to be given to each settler family for more substantial farms.


At 7 A.M. on Monday, May 21, the Foreign Protestants assembled on the Halifax parade grounds, adjoining Saint Paul's Anglican Church. Plans for the settlement were announced, lots drawn for the town plots, and 500 able bodied men were formed into a militia. Officers were appointed from their ranks to serve under the British senior officers.


On the morning of Tuesday, May 29, about half of the settlers loaded onto the ships with most of the building materials. The settlers were to be moved in two separate expeditions, about a week apart, accompanied by British warships and a detachment of Rangers.


The small fleet was pinned in Halifax Harbour for more than an entire week by shifting winds. They finally departed on June 7, arriving on at Lunenburg on June 8.  Lieutenant-Colonel Lawrence, the commander of the expedition, ordered  the settlers held on board until the troops and contract working parties had landed, reconnoitred the area for the presence of guerrillas, assembled the building materials at the town sites, and erected a temporary blockhouse and palisades for defence.


The settlers were in no mood to be further delayed. Despite pouring rain, many disembarked before permission was given, dispersed into the woods and began collecting whatever building materials they could carry away as supplies were being landed.


Lt-Col. Lawrence was only partially successful in forcing these settlers back to their ships.  The plan was to erect timber tents to shelter the settlers while the defences were being built. Not only did the settlers not comprehend what timber tents were or how to build them, there were hostilities between groups of settlers and, in addition, only a few of them understood English. Two men, Zuberbuhler and Hoffmann, acted as translators. Eventually, the tents were erected. A number of families refused to move into them, preferring to hide in the woods rather than share space with dirty, verminous people.  Some of John Dick’s agents obviously had recruited people of lower standards than others. Anna Elizabeth Baltzer, having so far kept all her family including a newborn infant alive, must have been among the ‘clean’ Germans.


In spite of these difficulties, by June 17 both expeditions had landed their settlers, the building materials had been distributed, and the initial work on defences completed by the troops and their contractors brought from Halifax. The original plan called for 700 board feet of lumber, 500 bricks, and a "proportionate" number of nails for each family. Only 500 board feet of lumber and 250 nails were actually distributed. It is not clear whether any bricks were distributed as the quality of bricks send from New England was inferior and many were crumbled. One of the ships carried shingles so these may have been distributed as well.


The settlers continued to be rebellious and unwilling to spend time building defence works – in spite of their work contracts – when the summer was passing and they had no houses and no garden planted. The settlers were also disturbed by the crude conditions at Lunenburg. They had understood that they were to receive full homesteads immediately, including a large plot of cleared land and a fully built and furnished farmhouse. Part of the problem was in the ambiguous German translation of the original recruiting advertisement, and part the lack of preparation made for their arrival.


In Halifax, the settlers had been able to supplement their government rations by purchases from the marketplace, paid for by odd-jobs performed for local households and merchants. Of course, there were neither a marketplace nor local households and merchants at Lunenburg. The plan had been for those who still owed the government for heir passage would work it off and receive no cash money, only a reduction of their debt. Those who had already worked off their debt were to receive money.


To avert a wholesale rebellion, Lt-Col. Lawrence immediately increased the food ration by "two pounds of bread a week with molasses" per adult in lieu of an equivalent value in rum, temporarily suspended the enforcement of the settlers' work contracts, and agreed to pay full wages in cash for any work voluntarily performed. The cash wages attracted merchants from Halifax who were able to provide additional foodstuffs as well as other personal goods, such as clothing, additional building materials, household items and desperately needed clothes and shoes. This would have been augmented by whatever they could scavenge in the woods or harvest from their garden. [Would they have been allowed to hunt?]


By the time cooler weather arrived in the autumn of 1753, the setters had erected their first homes and put in root crops for the winter.  Many of the settlers had retained sufficient savings to purchase the additional materials and contract labour to built large, framed houses. Although the edge of the setters’ ire had been blunted by Lt-Col. Lawrence’s treatment, deep dissatisfaction remained. The perceived failure of the British Government to meet fully the terms of their contracts persisted. Petitions for the redress of these grievances were prepared and sent to the Governor in Halifax and the Board of Trade and Plantations in London.


By the end of November, morale among the settlers had deteriorated. A rumour arose among the Montbeliardians, a contingent of French-speaking Swiss Protestants, that one of their number, John Petrequin, was hiding a letter from a relative in London that concerned the petitions that had been sent to the Board of Trade and Plantations. By the time the rumour had spread among the German speaking settlers, it had taken an ominous turn.


The alleged letter was now believed to have confirmed their suspicions that the efforts of the Board to make concessions to the settlers had been thwarted by Governor Hopson and his Council in Halifax. Angered by the denial by Petrequin that any such letter existed, the settlers seized him and imprisoned him in the town's blockhouse. Just as the settlement at Lunenburg was experiencing its first serious rebellion, Governor Hopson became so ill with gout that he had to return to England before winter and Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Lawrence became Governor Lawrence of Nova Scotia.


Colonel Patrick Sutherland, who was in charge of the troops remaining behind in Lunenburg, attempted to intervene, the settlers' militia was called out and shots were exchanged. Two settlers were wounded. An armed standoff ensued, neither side willing to yield. Upon hearing of the situation, Governor Lawrence promptly dispatched Lieutenant Colonel Moncton and a force of two hundred regulars with orders to restore the government's authority, disarm the militia, and arrest the ringleaders for trial in Halifax. Moncton landed at Lunenburg on December 22, 1753. Faced with this formidable force, the settlers’ militia soon capitulated.


By December 24, Moncton reported that order was restored. An officer of the settlers' militia, John William Hoffman, was arrested and charged with tricking the illiterate Petrequin into believing that some pieces of paper were a letter from Petrequin's cousin in London and using the subsequent uproar to mount a treasonous rebellion. The government lacked substantive evidence other than the contradictory and self-serving testimony of Petrequin himself. Hoffman was ultimately convicted of only lesser misdemeanours. He left Nova Scotia after serving some time in prison at Halifax.


After the rebellion of 1753, things became calmer at Lunenberg. By March 1754, the thirty acre farm plots had been assigned by lot. After the lots had been drawn, trading of plots occurred among the settlers prior to their occupation. Many of the French-speaking Montbeliardians, who had been scattered randomly among the more numerous German speaking settlers, traded their plots, often disadvantageously.  They were now concentrated into one area along the distant North West Range section of Lunenburg, from three to six miles from the town's center.  The Baltzer’s had one farm plot in this same area and another nearer to Mahone Bay.


During that spring and summer, the settlers began to occupy the thirty acre farm lots as they were properly surveyed and staked out. For the most part, the lots were wooded and required clearing before a house could be built and the land farmed. In order to encourage the settlers to occupy and begin farming the lots as soon as possible, the British authorities extended the free rations an additional year and offered to distribute free seed and livestock as it became available throughout the year. The amount of seed and livestock to be distributed to each settler would depend, at least partially, on their participation in the uprising, on their use made of the small garden plots and town lots, and on the progress made at clearing their new thirty acre plots. Married men were also favoured over single men in the distribution of the seed and livestock. In other words, hard working families who caused no trouble were given preference.



The Building of Lunenburg


By June 28, 1754, the Council in Halifax had let contracts valued at $400,000 for the purchase of livestock and seed from New England. Shipments began arriving in September. By December, 1754, it was reported to Halifax that over one hundred families were already settled on their thirty acre plots.


Progress on the clearing of the heavily wooded land in Lunenburg was slow and the farms that had been established by mid-1755 still did not produce nearly enough food for the inhabitants of Lunenburg. Accordingly, the Governor, again prevailing against the strong opposition of the Board of Trade and Plantations, authorized the extension of free rations for the settlers for an additional year until the summer of 1756, at a somewhat reduced rate and excluding those few settlers who were well established.



The Expulsion of the Acadians


The founding of Lunenburg and the Expulsion of the Acadians are linked in history.  The timing and decisions of the English government, the Foreign Protestant Settler movement itself, can only be understood against the background of longstanding rivalry and bellicosity between England and France.


France and England, as they had before, spent most of the 18th century at war with each other. The opening up of the new world allowed European conflicts to be fought out in North America. In Canada, the French disputed the territorial arrangements of the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht. At the time when Lunenburg was founded, the Seven Years War was looming and the French-speaking Catholic Acadians of Nova Scotia became a point of conflict. The native Mi’qmag Indians were loyal historical allies of the Acadians.  The Catholic Church, in the person of Abbé La Loutre, was actively encouraging the Acadians and the Mi’qmag to support French territorial and religious aspirations by raiding English forts and farms. Indian raids continued until 1760 when a treaty was signed between the English and the Mi’qmag.


In a time when communication between Nova Scotia and England took months, the character and mindset of the Governor became a significant factor in historical events. Governor Lawrence was a military man with firm prejudices and little tolerance; he viewed the colonization of Nova Scotia as a military exercise and the population as either pro-British or anti-British.


At this time there were 8,000 settlers of French descent in Nova Scotia, the Acadians, who had been farming on much of the fertile land around Annapolis and Digby, Grand Pre, along the Isthmus of Chignecto and parts of present day PEI and Cape Breton. For the most part, France had ignored these people in favour of the settlements in Louisiana, Western Virginia, and the Carolinas. Control over Nova Scotia which included most of present day New Brunswick and Maine changed hands between the French and English several times and the two sides interpreted the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht differently, each claiming ownership of most of the territory. Essentially the English considered that France had given up claim to all of this area except for Ile Royale (Cape Breton) and Ile St Jean (PEI) whereas France still claimed sovereignty over these plus most of New Brunswick and Maine. France retained Quebec. The problem was that no one really knew where the boundaries of these territories lay, an issue which dragged on for many more years. And another major war between these traditional enemies was looming.


Although war was not officially declared until 1756, the armed skirmishes between the French and the English had increased over all of North America by early 1755. For example, the French had driven the American colonists from disputed land in western Pennsylvania in July 1754 and the British had brought troops from England to retake the area. In mid-July, 1755, this force under General Braddock was routed from the area of Pittsburgh by the French. Just a few weeks prior to that, however, a British force had eliminated the French bases from the disputed areas of the western mainland of Nova Scotia.


At the end of July 1755, believing that full scale war was immanent, Governor Lawrence and the Council at Halifax made its infamous decision to deport all the "disloyal" French inhabitants from the British controlled areas of Nova Scotia. Repeated efforts had been made over the previous fifty years to persuade the Acadians to sign an oath of loyalty to the British crown. The Acadians refused, offering to remain neutral in any dispute but refusing to sign any agreement that might force them to fight fellow Frenchmen.


The deportations began almost immediately, a decision the rights and wrongs of which has engaged scholars and historians on both sides over the ensuing centuries.



The Lunenburg Cattle Drive


Unfortunately, the fall of 1754 was unusually dry and the winter of 1754-1755 was unusually severe. Most of the livestock died, due partially to the lack of shelter and partially to the lack of sufficient stored fodder. Early in 1755, the Board of Trade and Plantations authorized another $400,000 to be spent, if absolutely necessary, on free livestock for the settlers. This money was never expended, however, because a more economical source of livestock for the Lunenburg settlers soon appeared.


The Acadians had been forced to leave behind their livestock. By September 1755, their expulsion had progressed sufficiently to permit contingents of settlers from Lunenburg to be authorized to proceed to Minas to seize the livestock and other possessions that had been left behind. Few possessions had been left behind but the livestock had to be abandoned. By the time the Lunenburg settlers rounded them up, the animals had become more feral than domestic and the round-up was only partially successful. Fodder was loaded onto the animals for them to eat along the way, after which they were driven to Halifax, loaded on ships and so to Lunenburg. Reports of 50% mortality rate from an initial collection of 1000 head would mean that 500 head of cattle had been transferred to Lunenburg for distribution. A similar expedition was authorized in June of the following year.



Indian and French Raids


The first Indian raid on Lunenburg occurred on May 8, 1756 just before the formal declaration of war between England and France. The raid was made by the Mi’qmag Indian allies of the French and resulted in the deaths of four settlers, some destruction of property, and the capture of one adult woman and four of her children. Similar raids occurred every few months over the next three years. Although never more than a small number of settlers were killed or carried off in any of the individual raids, the constant threat of lurking Indians and the consequent need to be continuously on guard drove some of the settlers from their distant thirty acre plots into their better defended town lots and seriously restricted the activities of those who chose to remain on their plots. The last Indian raid on Lunenburg occurred on April 20, 1759. The threat from bands of Indians operating in the Lunenburg area did not cease, however, until early in 1760 when the various tribes surrendered at Halifax.


In addition, French privateers operating out of Louisbourg on Cape Breton Island frequently commandeered the ships from Lunenburg that were carrying lumber to be sold at the Halifax market.



Lunenburg Begins to Flourish


Due to the unusual circumstances of the war, the Governor had been repeatedly able to convince the British Board of Trade and Plantations to extend, grudgingly, the provision of rations to the settlers until the summer of 1760, when they were finally terminated.


With the end of French and Indian resistance in North America in 1760, Lunenburg began to flourish - and agitation among the settlers about the failure of the Board of Trade and Plantations to honour their original contracts resumed. Finally, in the autumn of 1763, the authorities began offering three hundred acre plots, primarily woodland, to those original settlers who had kept possession of their thirty acre plots and had improved them. A relatively modest "survey fee" would have to be paid in advance and commitments made regarding improvement of the land before one could participate in the drawing of lots for a three hundred acre plot. A majority of the eligible families took advantage of the offer in the several distributions that were made until April, 1766.


When the Foreign Protestants were settled at Lunenburg, the majority spoke only German, a small group of Protestant Montbelardians from Switzerland spoke only French and the English military spoke mainly English. Misunderstandings must have been daily, if not hourly, occurrences. This would have exacerbated the feelings of helplessness and frustration of the settlers.


Some schools were started in the early years for religious training and the teaching of basic reading and writing. However, once families moved to their farm lots it was too far for most children, especially the young ones, to walk to school. From May to October the children would have been needed at home to work on the farm so the winter months would were the only time schooling was possible. The children were taught in German and French at different schools.


The people were probably not very literate, especially those who lived far from town, and overall literacy is thought to have deteriorated in the early years of the settlement. The German and French languages continued to be used for some time, but judging by the number of marriages between the two groups, English must have been gaining hold as the common tongue.


In 1771 an English school was started but lasted only 10 years. By the late 1700’s it is thought that most people spoke some English, especially the youth. One visiting official recorded though that after three generations Lunenburg was still essentially a German town.



The Baltzer’s of Lunenburg


Over 2500 imigrants from Germany and Switzerland came to Nova Scotia between 1750 and 1752 aboard John Dick’s ships. The majority, between 1600 and 1700, settled in and around Lunenburg over the next few years. Despite their small numbers, only about 200 families, they form a distinct sector of the Nova Scotian population and many families trace their Canadian roots back to this small wave of immigrants.


What happened to the Baltzer family? There are a few records of them in land distribution lists and victualling lists, and in birth, marriage and death records. In W. E. Calnek;s “History of the County of Annapolis”, 1897, he writes “Not many pioneer families have done more in the way of laying the foundations of the prosperity which today characterizes the agriculture of the county. The aboriginal forests which covered many a noble farmstead  in Wilmot and Granville and also in Aylesford owe their removal to the hands of one or other of the Bolsor family. “


Land and Livestock Distribution

The first few years went well, although the summer of 1753 is reported to have been unusually wet and cold. By Christmas, 1753 Johannes Christopher Baltzer, sometimes called “Stophel”, and Anna Elizabeth had six children: Christopher Heinrich, age 16; Anna Maria, age 14; Johann Peter, age 11; Anna Gertroud, age 10; Anna Eva, age unknown; and, Elizabeth age 1.


Lunenburg was laid out in parallel streets, running inland from the water, with 200 feet depth of waterfront reserved for the government. Between were blocks of lots for fourteen houses, back to back, seven on a side. The Rudolf Division was straight back from the harbour, farthest from the waterfront and mid-distant from the protection of the blockhouse. They drew town lot number G9 in the Rudolf Division of Lunenburg. Their house would have faced north, second from the end in the north east corner near the intersection of Prince and Lawrence Streets. Their “hutt” would have faced north, in a dip along the top of a ridge, and the farthest from the waterfront. There would have been woods in front of them covering the land that slopes steeply down to the back harbour. Within three years an additional block of town lots were cleared to the north.


The Lunenburg town site was situated on a narrow ridge between the main harbour and a back harbour, almost a peninsula. It is stony, parts are swampy, hillsides are steep in the town centre, not suitable for farming. There was a source of fresh water in a stream to the north end of town and an area for garden lots was kept aside south east along the main harbour. The English on the Board of Trade in London had in mind fish and timber for export back to England, not the agricultural potential for the settlers.


The town lot meant for building a house was 40 by 60 feet; the garden lots which were located to the east of town were 70 by 160 feet; both were at least partially cleared by the French who had done some preliminary work before they deserted the site some years before. A garden lot, Division 3 G-12, was granted to Heinrich Baltzer in 1753 but reverted as unworked or not improved in 1762. This would have been Johannes Christopher’s older son, Heinrich Christopher, 16 years old in 1753.  [Whether another lot was granted to Joh. Christopher himself is not known.]


In 1753/54, 30 acre farm lots were distributed. Two 30 acre lots were distributed to Johannes Christopher in 1754, North West Range (1) and Mahone Bay (2). [Again, one for him and one for his adult son, Christopher.]


In a Live Stock distribution the same summer, Johannes Baltzer and Johannes Cell received together Lot No. 68 of one cow and one sheep. In December he also received 2 sheep from Capt. Stuart Versett. The summer of 1754 was very dry and many stock died from lack of water and provision for feed.


The crops in the first years consisted of potatoes, oats, turnip, barley and flax for the weaving of cloth. Seed was distributed or bought from the English; other seeds would have been brought from Germany. Some built small open boats and canoe type craft for inshore fishing. The Baltzer’s seem to have been more interested in farming than fishing.


The Death of Johannes Christopher

Having brought his family from Hesse to Lunenburg, Johannes Christopher Baltzer died in 1755, only three years after arriving in Halifax. We do not know how he died but there is a report of more deaths than usual at the end of that year, perhaps due to an epidemic. He was 44.


On June 29 1756, Anna Elizabeth Baltzer married a widower, Adam Schauffner/ Shaffner. She was 43, he, 53. The Lunenburg Victualling List for Feb 1756 shows Adam Schaffner as married to Anna Margareta with one son, Ferdinand, christened in Lunenburg on 26 February 1755. Adam Schaffner and his first wife arrived on the Murdoch in 1751 and came to Lunenburg in 1754, a year later than the Baltzers. They were assigned to Lot G7 in Major Rudolph’s Division, a lot touching corners with that of the Baltzers, so they had known each other for at least a year. His wife must have died between February and June 1756.


[Some anecdotal records state that Margareta died aboard ship giving birth, this is not so according to Victualling records. The Ship’s list for the Murdoch show that Adam paid for “1m, 1f, 1hf, 2c” – could they have had three children die on the outbound voyage? It looks as though Ferdinand was b. in Halifax or Lunenburg. Neither Margareta Schaffner nor Johannes Christopher Baltzer are on the Lunenburg Victualling Lists for the winter of 1756 – perhaps they died in the same epidemic.]


[Anecdotal family story from the Schaffner genealogy says that Joh. Chirstopher and Adam knew each other from earlier days. It also states that he was very good to his step-children. Certainly, the historical records indicate that they remained in contact with each other and moved to the same area of the Annapolis Valley.]


Adam and Anna Elizabeth were married for 26 years. Adam died 22 November 1782, age 79; Anna Elizabeth had died five months previously, age 70. They had four children together:

1)      Catharina Elizabeth Schaffner; christened 20 Mar 1757, St. John’s Anglican Church, Lunenburg; m.c. 1777 Richard Armstrong who was b. 10 November 1749, Dumfries Scotland, son of Joseph and Janet (Wilson) Armstrong, who had seven other children. Richard came to Halifax 1770, Granville 1776, and Wilmot in 1792. They had 11 children, some who married Baltzers: their fourth son, William had a daughter, Sarah, who married Aaron Balsor, and their eighth son, Nelson, married in 1825 to Mary Balsor (Frederick, Peter, Christopher);

2)      George Conrad Schaffner, christened 22 March 1759, St John’s Anglican Church, Lunenburg; m. 1806 Mary Coleman and had 3 known children;

3)      Elizabeth Barbara Schaffner; christened 13 September 1761, St John’s Anglican church, Lunenburg; m. (1st) 12 January 1780 John White; (2nd) 31 August 1799 John Bohaker;

4)      Abigail Schaffner.


The Lunenburg Victualling List for 24 January to 15 May 1757 includes four Baltzer children: Heinrich (Heinrich Christopher, 20); Peter (Johann Peter, 14); Gertrous (Anna Gertrud, 13); Eve (Anna Eva, age unknown) together. On the same list, Adam, Ferdinand, Elizabeth (Weber) Schaffner are  listed together, and Elizabeth [?Baltzer] Schaffner alone. It appears as though the youngest daughter, Elizabeth Baltzer, is provided for by her mother and the others, perhaps, continued to live with their brothers. The age of Ana Eva is not known, however, as she did not go with her mother upon her marriage to Adam Schaffner and maintained her own name, she was probably closer in age to the other children, and by this time might have been 10 or 11 years old.


In a registry of 30 Acre Farm Lots 1760-62, John/ Johannes Baltzer is listed as owning Mahone Bay Lot B10. It was not unusual for a lot to remain registered in the name of a deceased settler if there were heirs under age. There is no more mention of the North West Range farm lot.


Adam Schaffner never registered a 30 Acre Farm Lot but he probably used the Baltzer Lots which would have had two year’s clearing and preparation. Sometime later it shows Adam as owning a 30 acre lot, B5 Clearland.  There is one report of Johannes Peter Baltzer and Ferdinand Schaffner working a farm together [the NWR lot?].


The Move to Granville

In 1764, the sons of Johannes Christopher Baltzer, Christopher Heinrich and Johannes Peter, and their unmarried sisters, Ana Eva and Anna Gertrud, moved to Granville Township at the western end of the Annapolis Valley. By this time they called themselves Christopher and Peter, were aged 27 and 22 respectively, and were still unmarried.  At this time the spelling of Baltzer changed to Balsor. There are many variations on official documents but Balsor is most consistent.


In 1770, Adam and Anna Elizabeth Schaffner also moved from Lunenburg to Granville Township, to Lot #1 in the lower section which they had bought from Ebenezer Worthylake. Granville Township is near to Annapolis Royal at the head of the Annapolis Basin. It was an area long cultivated by the French and much better agricultural land than the south shore around Lunenburg.


Ferdinand Schaffner, Adam’s son with his first wife, christened 26 February 1755, Lunenburg, married 30 March 1780 to Barbara Hawbolt before they arrived in Granville and d. 1809; his house in Annapolis Royal exists today and is occupied by Baltzer researcher Barry Moody. There is a record of Frederick Schaffner receiving land grant in area 5 of Annapolis County, Bayview, Culloden, Prunpoint. George Schaffner received land in area 2, Goat Island, Lower Granville, Upper Clements.


In 1792, after 28 years in Granville, Christopher and Peter moved to Wilmot Township, Annapolis County. In 1996 a document was discovered in Wilmot, Nova Scotia, which is a copy of the land transfer of Mahone Bay Lot B10 and the Lunenburg town Lot (40 X 60 feet) G9 of Rudolph’s Division and a garden lot from Christopher Heinrich Baltzer to Christian Graff and registered 7 December 1769. This was accompanied by a Letter of Attorney, signed by his “Mother, Brother, and two sister” sic Elizabeth ‘Baldchier’, Peter ‘Baldchier’, Garey ‘Baldchier’ and Eva Baldchier’. All signed by mark except for Eve who signed it “Eive Baldchier”.


There is no record of what happened to the North West Range Farm Lot.


Why would they have moved from Lunenburg?

In 1764 Lunenburg was still a wilderness community, cut off except by trail and sea. It was becoming a fishing community, a ship building community and the farming would have been difficult with rocky land and shallow soil. The area around Annapolis Royal which included Granville had been cultivated since the early 1600’s, it had a more moderate climate being protected by low mountain ranges and it had more amenities. It was an established community and, since the expulsion of the Acadians, there were cultivated, fertile homesteads available. Perhaps the sons of Johannes Christopher saw this as a more attractive opportunity than Lunenburg.


Many of these farms were going to the Planters, pre-Loyalist settlers from New England arriving in response to the advertising of the Nova Scotia government for English colonists. This migration from New England lasted about ten years, 1760 -1770, during which time 8,000 people arrived.  The Loyalist migration started a short time later, after the American war of Independence, but not many came to Nova Scotia. 



The Children of Johannes Christopher

and Anna Elizabeth Baltzer

Heinrich Christopher Baltzer

[Joh Christopher], the eldest living son of Johannes Christopher, married Lydia Woodbury on 22 August 1775 in Granville. He is 38 years old and calling himself Christopher Balsor. Lydia was 15 years old, the daughter of Dr. Jonathan and Lydia (Foster) Woodbury. Lydia was Jonathan’s first child.


The pioneers of the Woodbury family in Annapolis County were Jonathan and Isaac Woodbury, who were uncle and nephew. They were descended from John Woodbury, b.c. 1579 in Somersetshire, England, who settled at Salem Massachusetts where he was a leading man, being sent by his fellow colonists to England to secure a patent for their land. Dr. Jonathan Woodbury (John, Humphrey, Thomas, Jonathan) b. 1737 [the same year as Christopher], Haverhill, Mass. Came first to Yarmouth, N.S. His household there in 1763 consisted of five members living on a one-acre lot on Cape Forchue River. Jonathan was a physician. He moved from Yarmouth to Granville and then to Wilmot where he died in 1830 at the age of 93. He was married first to Lydia Foster, 1760 in Mass. She died in 1808 [in Wilmot?]. He then married, 12 Dec 1811, Lorena Sabin, b. 1760; d. 10 Nov 1853, aged 80. He was 74 and she 51 when they married


There are various records of Christopher Balsor during this period.


Recorded 11 Sep 1779 in Annapolis County Register of Deed: “Christopher Balsor for 20 pounds sold to Joseph Potter land ‘on the south side of Annapolis River opposite to Goat Island, being part of the Cape Grant to the late Major Philips in 1759’ part of Lot 5, 125 acres more or less on 1 Jul 1779”.


Christopher Balsor is listed in the 1791 (as Stophel), 1792 and the 1794 Tax List of Wilmot Township. His name and his father’s was probably the German “Christophel” anglicized in the record by English recording clerks as “Christopher”. This may have been the time Christopher moved from the Granville area to the Wilmot area. Christopher and Lydia had children bpt. at Wilmot in 1793.


On 7 Feb 1795 Jonathan Woodbury of Wilmot, his father-in-law, for 100 pounds sold to Christopher Balsor, yeoman, land on Wilmot mountain “beside John Elliott’s land to Simon DeLong’s land, back to Bay of Fundy”. The transaction involved 300 acres.  A yeoman owns and works his own land; a husbandman rents or works someone else’s land.


His ear mark was recorded in the Wilmot Township Register on 7 Mar 1795 as “half crop and happenny under each ear”.

An indenture was made on 18 Sep 1800 between Christopher and Peter Balsor also of Wilmot for 40 pounds against Lot No. 7 in Wilmot Township.

On 5 Aug 1804 Timothy Ruggles of Granville for 50 pounds sold 532 acres of land to Christopher Balsor of Wilmot, on Wilmot Mountain (Annapolis Deeds, Vol 14, p. 455). This would have brought his total holdings to 832 acres.


Christoper and Lydia had 11 children, 4 sons and 7 daughters:

1)      Foster Balsor; b. 7 Feb 1776;

2)      Peter Balsor; b. 22 Sep 1778;

3)      Lydia Balsor; b. 1 Aug 1781;

4)      Amy harris Balsor; b. 6 Sept 1784; “Harris in Granville Township Register; Listed an “Harris” in family group record for marriage in Wilmot Township Register;

5)      Love Balsor; b. 13 Mar 1788; bpt. 16 Jan 1791, aged 1 yr.;

6)      Hannah Balsor; b. 1790; bpt. 16 Jan 1791, aged 1 yr.;

7)      Jonathan Woodbury Balsor; b. 22 May 1793; bpt. 1 Jul 1793 at Wilmot;

8)      Mahala Balsor; b. 10 Mar 1796; bpt. 22 May 1799;

9)      Horatia Nelson Balsor; b. 27 Nov 1798; bpt. 22 May 1799;

10)  Margaret Balsor; (a child, believed to be a daughter);

11)  Hiram Abbot Balsor; b. 1804; C. 2 0 May 1804 in Wilmot; listed as the son of Christopher and Lydia Balsor; d. <1891 census.


Anna Maria Baltzer 


Shortly after the death of Johannes Christopher, his daughter, Anna Maria Baltzer, age 15, married Johannes Bauer/ Brown on 18 May 1756 (a month before her mother remarried to Adam Schaffner). He was a tailor from Neckarstein, Germany, who arrived on the Pearl in 1752. He was 22 years old and a leader in the 1753 insurrection. [The Pioneers and Settlers of Nova Scotia. Esther White.]



Johannes Peter Baltzer


After eight years in Granville Township, Peter Balsor married Hannah Zinklar (Zeiglar/ Zinck/ Sinclair) on 20 July 1772. Calnek’s History of Annapolis County states that Peter Balsor married Catherine Zeiglar, however, it is correctly, Hannah Zeiglar, the daughter of Frederick Zeiglar whose name was anglicized to “Sinclair” during his time in Annapolis County.


The will of Frederick Sinclair lists “Hannah wife of Peter Balsor” and she was the only child listed. The will of Mrs. Mary Sinclair dated 12 October 1810 and recorded 26 July 1814 lists “Hannah Balsor, wife of Peter Balsor”. The will of Mrs. Mary Sinclair also lists all of Hannah’s children alive at the time; Mary Berteaux, Hannah Porter, Dorothy Rice, Frederick Bolser, Andrew Bolser, Sophia Bolser, Gerorge Sinclair Bolser and Elizabeth Bolser “not yet 21”.


In the 1770 census for Annapolis Co, Peter Bolsor is listed with three in family, one American, one Acadian, and one German”. In the 1772/3 census Peter Bolsor is again listed as having family. At a Granville township meeting on 2 April 1781 Peter was named “collector of money for poor”.


Recorded on 3 July 1782 in Annapolis Co Register of Deeds, vol 4 p.286: “Peter Balsor for the sum of 10 pounds, of Granville, yeoman, sold to Archibald Morrison, on 10 October 1778 a marsh lott #23 of 14 acres. Wife Hannah Balsor”.


Recorded on 31 December 1782, vol 4 p. 336: “Peter Balsor, husbandman of Granville, mortgage for 200 pounds, to Samuel Harris of Granville lots 8 and 9 in Granville”.


Peter and Hannah (Zeiglar) Balsor had the following children:

1)         John Andrew  Balsor; b. 2 Mar 1773, C. 5 Dec 1789 at St. Luke’s Anglican Church, Annapolis Royal;

John Andrew is not mentioned in his Grandmother’s will (Mary Sinclair) but is probably the same person as 8), below. This John Balsor (Peter, Joh. Christopher) probably b. 2 Mar 1773; m. Sarah ?; and is not listed in his Grandmother’s will. He may have died before 1810.

                                2)         Frederic Balsor; b. 1 Oct 1777;

3)         Zeiglar (George Sinclair) Balsor; baptized 24 Jun 1792; he was not 21 in 1810;

                                4)         Mary Balsor; b. 9 Apr 1775;

                                5)         Dorothy Balsor; b.c. 1782; d. 1861 aged 79;

6)         Elizabeth Balsor; b.c. 1793; bpt. 11 Oct 1795, aged 2 years; m. Simon Riley ;

             Simon William Riley was born circa 1792. He married 2 April 1816 Elizabeth Balur (Baltzer/Balsor) in Annapolis Royal. She was born around 1795 in Annapolis Royal the daughter of Peter Balsor. Simon died in Annapolis Royal on 6 July 1855 in his 63rd year.. “The Halifax Catholic” issue for 21 July 1855, vol 2. No. 29: “on the 6th at Annapolis Royal, Mr. Simon Riley, in his 63rd year of his age.” Elizabeth died in Smith’s Cove on 24 Dec 1873 aged 78 years of bronchitis, however, her memorial stone records 3 Dec 1873 as her death date

In the 30 September 1827 census for the Township of Annapolis Royal, Simon is listed as a mechanic and a member of the Church of England. He had four boys and three girls living at home. In the 1838 census for the Township of Clements, Simon is listed with 11 children: two boys and one girl under 6 years; one boy and one girl under 14 years; and three boys and three girls over 14 years. Elizabeth Riley aged 76 is listed in the 1871 census for Annapolis. She was born in N.S. and was a Methodist.

They had at least five children:

i.          Elizabeth Sophia Riley; b. 17 Dec 1818; m. Frederick Sulis 29 Nov 1841; d. 9 Sep 1882;

Frederick Sulis was born 13 Aug 1808, Smith’s Cove; d. 14 Dec 1884. Both attended the Baptist Church and are buried in the Smith’s Cove Cemetery . Elizabeth helped to establish the United Baptist Church Sewing Circle and may have been its first president.

They had seven sons and three daughters, one of whom died age 21 of typhoid fever.

“He always walked faster and then in a few minutes would stop for her to catch up. He always wore a brown overcoat with large sleeves down to the waist.”

In the 1861 census he was listed with his family as having a farm of one acre.

In the 1871 census Frederick listed himself as of French origin, a Baptist, and a farmer with 70 acres. In this census he was listed as aged 62 and Eliza aged 51. This census provides a detailed description of Frederick’s farm: he had one house, one barn, one carriage, two wagons and one plough. For livestock he owned one horse, one colt, two oxen, four milk cows, two beef cows, six sheep and one pig. He had one acre garden and had grown three bushels of barley, 50 of oats, three of beans, 40 of buck wheat, 12 of corn, 112 of potatoes, 40 of turnips and 25 bushels of carrots. In 1876 is received $75 compensation for damages to his orchard during the construction of the Western Counties Railway.

“Frederick was an eighth son…passed his days on the Old Soulis Homestead. He carried on his farming operations, supplemented by weir fishing; scarcely able to keep away from his maritime inclinations. His occupations were financially successful. His orchards of apples and cherries were highly productive; in the cultivation of these fruits he took commendable pride. He retained a third interest in his father’s lands, called “The Cove Lot” until his death. A devote Baptist he was punctual in his attendance upon divine service.”

ii.         Simon Wiliam Riley; b. 24 Nov 1822;

iii.        Mary Elenor Riley; m. 12 June 1848 Charles Starrett of Annapolis Royal;

iv.        Andrew B. Riley; b. 14 Feb 1832;

v.         Fitzgerald Riley; cosigned marriage bond in 1850.

7)         Hannah  Balsor; b. 1782/3; d. 20 Mar 1877, aged 94;

8).        Andrew Balsor; b.c. 1789; a John Andrew Balsor was christened 5 Dec 1789 at Annapolis, but no father was given; d. 21 Feb 1880 aged 91 years; m. Pamela Worthylake;

9)         Christopher Balsor; b.c. 1791; d. unm. Before 1810 (not mentioned in his grandmother’s will in 1810)



Anna Catherine Gertroud Baltzer


On 10 April 1766, Anna Catharine Gertraudt Balsor (Carey/ Garey) married Hans George Heinrich Schenkel/ Henry Shankle in Granville Township. Schenkel was born 1 May 1735 in Fehraltorf, Zurich, Switzerland and naturalized at Halifax on 10 July 1758 as “Henry Shankle” the son of Hans Jacob and Elizabeth (Geuttinger) Schenkel. Hans Jacob was born in June 1696 in Dubendorf, Switzerland, died Fehraltorf, Zurich Canton, Switzerland. Henry arrived in Halifx 2 September 1750 aboard the Ann with his older brother Ulrich Schankel. Ulrich m. (1st) 21 April 1749 Margaretha Bosshard and they had a daughter, Anna, both of whom died on the journey from Switzerland to Rotterdam. He m. (2nd) 24 September 1751 a widow, Elizabeth Wuerster (possibly related to Johann Daniel Wuerster of the Gale) in Halifax.


Henry Shankle and Garey (Baltzer) had four children according to the Granville Township register:

1)      Elizabeth; b. 10 Apr 1766;

2)      Margaret; b. 27 Mar 1770; m. William Collins;

3)      Catte (dau) (Catharina); b. 29 Oct 1772;

4)      Hannah; b. 1 Dec 1775; m. (1st) 13 Sep 1795 Job Young Jr; (2nd) 28 Apr 1800 Andreas Bohaker.


Anna Eva and Elizabeth Baltzer


It is not known what happened to Ana Eva Baltzer or Elizabeth Baltzer/ Schaffner. Anna Eva may have continued to live with her brother Christopher in Wilmot area. Did Elizabeth Baltzer take the name Schaffner? She might have moved with her mother and Adam Schaffner to Granville Township in 1770.



The Descendents of Christopher Heinrich Baltzer


Ancestors of Laurel née Balsor Pardy

Jonathan Woodbury Balser/Balsor             [H. Christopher, Joh Christopher] was the third son and seventh child of eleven of Heinrich Christopher Baltzer and Lydia Woodbury. He was born 22 May and baptized 1 July 1793 at Wilmot.

He married Ann Susane Thomas b. 10 May 1803 on 27 July 1820 according to the Wilmot Township Register. He was 27 and she was 17.

They had the following children:

1)      Aseph Balser; b. 22 Dec 1820; “eldest child”; bpt. 4 Aug 1822;

2)      Ann Balser; b.c. 1831 (thought to be Jonathan’s first daughter);

3)      Carr (Kerr) Balser [a son]; b. 15 Jun 1838 according to the 1901 census;

4)      Louisa Balser; m. 16 Mar 1854, William Andrew Ells of Cornwallis; (Cornwallis First Baptist Church, Upper Canard) Louisa was listed as “second daughter of Jonathan Bolsar”; they had three children: Rebecca, Havelock, Maud.


Aseph Bolser/Balsor              [Jonathan, H. Christopher, Joh. Christopher] was born 22 Dec 1820 ?in Wilmot. He married Harriet Haggerty d. 23 Nov 1918 age 85 years buried Lakeview. There are assorted records on which Aseph Balsor appears:

                                  i.            Aseph Balsor was listed in the Assessment rolls for Cornwallis Township, Eastern Dev from 1856 onwards;

                                ii.            in the 1861 census for Lakeville area of Kings Co, he is listed as being born between 1821 and 1831. His wife was born between 1831 and 1841. They had one female child;

                              iii.            an Aseph Balsor aged 44 was listed in the 1871 census for Canning, Kings Co. his wife’s name was Harriet and she was aged 36;

                              iv.            in the 1881 census for Centreville, Kings Co, Aseph was listed as aged 62, a Free Baptist and a farmer; his wife Harriet was aged 46 and his son Aseph was aged 20;

                                v.            an Asaph Bolser reported the death of Julia Ann Cross Aged 3, born at Hall’s Harbour, d. 13 Feb 1877 at Hall’s Harbour the daughter of Tobias and Emeline Cross [recorded in the King’s Co. Vital Records, B, M, D at PANS]; there is no known connection between these two families;

                              vi.            in the 1891 census an Asaph H. Balsor aged 73 and his wife Harriet aged 55 were living in Centreville, Div. 1. with Aseph H. Balsor aged 28 their son;

                            vii.            in the 1901 census Harriet was living with her son Asaph; she was listed as born 16 Sep 1834 in Nova Scotia; she died 29 Nov 1918, aged 84.

            In the Wilmot Township Register they have two children:

1)   female; b. >1851 <1856 according to the 1861 census; but not listed in the 1871 census;[may have died bef. 1871]; [Note, Elaine: Dad had a tintype of her, a girl of about 13 years. Uncle Ace wanted it very much and I gave it to him after Dad died. She died from diphtheria and I was under the impression that this picture was taken not too long before she contracted the disease.]

2)   Asaph Harris Balsor; b.c. 1862, Canada Creek.


Asaph Harris Balsor                         Asaph Harris I, Jonathan, H. Christopher, Joh. Christopher) is listed in various records as “Harris” and/or “Asaph”: 1871 census aged 9; 1881 census aged 20; 1891 census aged 28; 1887 aged 24 when he married.

Asaph H. Bolser, aged 24, born Canada Creek 1862 the son of Asaph and Harriet. He married 12 Feb 1887 at Hall’s Harbour, Free Baptist, Janice (Jane) M. Sawler, aged 19, born 23 April 1868 in Halifax the daughter of David and Barbara Sawler.  Asaph d. in 1914, Jane in 1959. [Sawler may be Seiler, a Seiler, from Palatinate, arrived on the Gale in 1752.]


Other records of Asaph and Jane:

                                i.            1891 census “Jane” is listed as aged 22 [she was always called “Jane”]

                              ii.            1901 census for Kings Co, Centreville district, East Hall’s Harbour, Asaph Balsor was listed as born 11 Sep 1867 in Nova Scotia (which is probably not correct as he was aged 9 in 1871 census, should have been 1862?); he was aged 38, of English origin, a Free Baptist and a farmer; his wife Jane was listed as born 23 Apr 1868 in Nova Scotia; his mother, Harriet Balsor was living with them;

                            iii.            1902 directory, listed as resident of Hall’s Harbour.


Asaph (Jr) owned a small farm in East Hall’s Harbour. It was northwest of the old School House on the East Hall’s Harbour Road, unknown acreage but included fields for potatoes, turnip and cabbage as well as a kitchen garden and a woodlot. They had a small number of cows, pigs, chickens for their own use and barter; a team of horses for the plough as well as at least one driving horse and buggy for transportation. [Note, Elaine: I have heard Dad comment on the pride his father took in having a good looking horse and buggy for his own use and that he filled the entire seat so on one could accompany him. Grammy and children followed in a second wagon.] The property ran down to the Bay of Fundy and they had a fish weir. A farm continues on the site but the original house has fallen down and is no longer in the family.


He was a very large man weighing about 350 pounds.  He was a business man, buying potatoes for a wealthy business man in Port Williams, family name Chase, and loading them on boats at Hall’s Harbour bound for Boston.  They also ran a fish weir and farmed a small acreage on the top of the bluff behind the old school house and present fire station off the east Hall’s Harbour road.


Jane was known for her cooking and generosity.  Her philosophy was that there was no trouble in the world that could not be helped by a good meal.  She was often baking up pies or making a pot of something and taking it to a family in times of trouble or tragedy.  The story is told of a woman who was on her death bed when Jane arrived with a pot of stew and a berry pie much to the consternation of neighbours and friends.   After tasting the food, the woman recovered and lived another two years.


The only story of Asaph’s mother, Harriet, was that she was very domineering. She lived with her son and wife for many years.


Although they were not rich they never wanted for food.  Having both a weir and a farm meant that the menu might lack variety but never volume.  I [the author, Laurel Balsor Pardy] remember Dad, Harry Chase, telling of the poor family who lived on next farm down the road who had only hollows scooped out of the slab table instead of plates.  His mother always produced a clean plate and fork for the pie in a time when pie was often put onto the same plate as dinner and eaten with the same fork.

Asaph (Jr) and Jane had seven children:

1)      Harry Chase Balsor: b. 19 Jul 1887 (according to the 1901 census he was born 16 Jul 1887 but it was the 19th); d. 20 Aug 1967, Kentville, Kings Co. NS; m. 25 Dec 1915 Edith Hilda Robbins b. 14 Mar 1897, Billtown; d. 29 Nov 1975.  She was the daughter of George Robbins, Baptist, a farmer and Sarah (née Ewing/ Beals), of Centreville, Kings Co, NS. He was 28 and she 18.  Both are buried at Lakeview Cemetery, Lakeville, Kings Co. NS.

2)      Elvie Balsor; various references: 1891 census “H. Elvie” aged 2; 1901 census “Elvie E.” b. 3 Jun 1889; d. before 1982; “Elna Bolsor” aged 19, b. East Hall’s Harbour the daughter of “Asa and Jane Bolser” m. 18 June 1908 at Kentville, Methodist, Richard (Dick) Bolsor aged 21 born Medford, Mass, the son of William and Jane Bolsor; [they lived in Boston Mass, neither my sister nor I remember her ever coming home, when father and I went in 1956 we did not meet her,]; “Elva Eunice” b. 3 Jun 1889; [I heard Dad refer to her proper name as being “Elvira”]; Elvie and Dick had two daughters: Marion, Hilda;

3)      Dorothy Mildred Balsor: b. 22 Feb 1891 in Hall’s harbour; d. aged 97 in Brochton, Mass [they lived in Boston , is this a part of Boston? Or a mispelling]; “Dorothy M. Bolser” aged 17, b. Hall’s Harbour the daughter of “A. Bolser” m. 16 Sep 1908 at Kentville, Methodist, George Weldon Bolsor aged 22, b. Watertown (probably Mass) the son of W. C. Bolsor; in 1891 census aged 1 month “Cora” b.c. 1891; in 1901 census “Dot” b. 22 Feb 1892; (note: the above Richard and George Bolsor were cousins); Dot and George had no children. Hilda, a daughter of Elvie and Dick Balsor died young leaving two young sons, Robert and Allan. Hilda’s mother Elvie by this time was a semi-invalid and these boys were taken care of by their Aunt Dot and Uncle George who brought them up as if they were their own children. Robert was killed in the Korean War. Allan, the younger boy, repaid his Aunt and Uncle by taking excellent care of them in their old age.

4)       Josephine Love Balsor; b. 29 Jan 1895, Hall’s Harbour, Kings Co; d. 11 Oct 1982 in Lambeth ON aged 87 (where she was living with her daughter Helen) and is buried in Wilmot Cemetery; she was a member of the Centreville Baptist Church and ran a store there for a number of years after she was widowed; she married Karl H. Phinney and lived in Wilmot most of her life; they had four children: Madelyn, Joyce, Helen, Robert;

5)       Chester Leroy Balsor: b. 23 Oct 1898, Hall’s Harbour (agrees with the 1901 census); d. 28 May 1979 aged 80; resident in Centreville, Kings Co; he was unm; buried at Lakeview Cemetery;

Note: he lived for years with his companion, Pearl Almira Blenkhorn, 1903-1989, who came from a family on the North Mountain near Scot’s Bay/Baxter’s Harbour. She had come to live with Harry Balsor [the author’s father] when his first children were young as a mother’s helper, probably abt 1920 or so. Later she was housekeeper to Harry’s mother, Jane (Sawler) Balsor/ Arnold. After her death she stayed on as housekeeper to Chester who always lived with his mother in Centerville. He provided for her in his will and she continued to live in the house until her final illness. They are buried side by side in the Lakeview Cemetery.

Chester and Pearl took care of a baby boy born in 1967 to a struggling young couple who lived in a trailer on the old railway line next door, Keith Newcombe, and she left the old home to him in her will.

6)      Henry Everett Roscoe Balsor; b. 26 Mar 1904, Hall’s Harbour; d. bef 1982, New Minas age 66, buried Lakeview Cemetery; m. Helen Annette Rockwell, b. 18 Oct 1912, Welsford; they had three children: Jack Ronald (dau: Susan, Linda); Mona (son Chris, Paul & dau Helen) ; Sandra;

7)      Ace Floyd Balsor; “Aseph Floyd”, b. 19 Nov 1905 at Hall’s Harbour; of Wolfville NS in 1992; d. 25 Jun 1995 aged 89 in Kentville; m. 8 Jul 1931 Mary Etta Lohnes, b. 1903 in LaHavre, Lunenburg Co, dau of James W. and Mary Etta (Schmizer) Lohnes; Mary (Marie) d.  20 Dec 1992 aged 89 in Wolfville Nursing Home; they are buried at Lakeview Cemetery, Lakeville, Kings Co; they had no children. Ace worked for the Gillette Company in Boston all his working life, retiring to a home he designed and built on the edge of the North Mountain overlooking the Foley apple orchards on the Hall’s Harbour road. His neice, Sandra (Balsor) vanMeekeren bought the place in the mid-1980’s and lives there at this time, 2003. Marie, his wife, was an x-ray technician.


Author’s Note: I don’t know when Grandmother Jane Balsor moved to Centreville; she was still in Hall’s Harbour, and Asaph was still living, in 1905. She was living in Centreville by the time my parents were married in 1915. I think she was here shortly before Asaph (II) died in 1914.  A few years after Asaph (Sr) died Jane married John Arnold who pre-deceased her in 1959. Jane continued to live in “her” house until her death, this being the house Dad built and later sold to Mr. Sanford and which Grammy bought back.


The house was the last one on the southeast side of the road just before the old (now removed) railway track from Kentville to Kingsport. Along this track in either direction one came to blueberry barrens where local people harvested blueberries for pies and jam. The house was often painted dark brown or sometimes dark green with white trim, had small dormers and a veranda on two sides. There was a water pump in the kitchen as well as one in the yard. As a girl I got to drink from a glass but the men always drank from the aluminum dipper that hung on a hook nearby.  Eventually there was an inside bathroom but most of the time there was an outhouse. The habit was for everyone to use a wash basin, either in the kitchen or taken to the bedroom, for all personal washing and shaving; the Saturday night bath was in a hand filled metal tub in a bedroom off the kitchen. Warm water would be drawn by dipper from the hot water tank on the side of the wood stove. This back bedroom, warmed by the wood burning kitchen stove was for old people, sick people, children’s naps and, finally, the room where Jane died. It was later made into a large bathroom.


In the 1950’s, Dad and I often went to her house for Sunday dinner. She had a round oak table and an assortment of chairs and china and silverware. There were mounds of country cooking – roasts of beef or pork or roast chicken; potatoes and three vegetables and gravy; home made pickles and bread or rolls; and pies for dessert.


She kept a pig for breeding and young pigs for slaughter to make smoked hams, hocks, bacon and headcheese; she never kept a horse but hired a man to do the ploughing but there were chickens for eggs and the table. There was a kitchen garden with enough for preserving and pickling: peas, pole beans, green beans, carrots, beets, squash, corn, potatoes, Swiss chard, spinach, cucumbers for eating and pickling, turnip and cabbage with considerable excess which was given away.


Cabbage was made into sauerkraut, cucumbers into pickles of various sorts such as dill, mustard, piccalilli, chow, bread and butter, and the ends of the summer vegetables into mixed pickles. Green beans could be preserved in brine, soaked out and boiled. Turnip could also be made into sauerkraut, turnip kraut. Rhubarb would make jam; apples would be peeled, quartered and dried on a string over the woodstove to make pies or be chopped into cakes. Cabbage, carrots, potatoes kept well in the cool root cellar under the house. The carrots would be put root end down in boxes of sand – not touching; potatoes and cabbage and waxed turnips would be placed carefully on the shelves so as not to touch. That way if one went bad it would not harm the others. Barrels of apples were wrapped in old quilts and kept near the house side of the root cellar. The preserves went on shelves in the house cellar, the only occupants of the cellar along with the coal furnace.


Harry Chase Balsor              [Asaph II, Asaph I, Jonathan, H. Christopher, Joh. Christopher] was a self-employed businessman for many years in the Centreville –Kentville area of Kings Co. NS. He moved from the farm at Hall’s harbour to Centreville early in the 1900’s where he became friends with Cecil Robbins, son of a farmer in Centreville. Through this friendship he met Edith, Cecil’s young sister, who became his wife.  At some time before leaving the farm he studied at a business college in Truro, NS, for several months.


After he moved to Centreville he operated a cooper shop where barrels were made for the apple industry which was a major crop and export of the Annapolis Valley. During WW I, potatoes were sold and shipped to the army in barrels so at that time he made those as well. He also delivered the rural mail by horse and buggy. He sometimes took his future wife on these rides – with her older brother, Cecil, along, no doubt. His cooper shop was near the railway station, across the street from his mother’s house.


When he married he bought a house from his brother-in-law, George Balsor. He lived in this house eight years. His first two children were born there. He sold it to a man by the name of Sanford. A few years later his mother sold her house and bought Dad’s first house from Mr. Sanford. She lived in this house with her son Chester until she died. When Grammy Balsor could no longer keep house, Pearl Blenkhorn came as housekeeper. Her other children gave any claim they might have as heirs to Chester for taking care of their mother.


In the early 1920’s business was good. Farmers could pay their bills on time. After Dad sold the house he bought when he was married, he had Wolfville architect Leslie Fairn draw plans for a new house which he had built on the west side of the main street of Centreville just south of the school house. This was a lovely house with oak floors throughout, glassed-in sun porch along one side, five bedrooms with a large front dormer in the master bedroom, etc. He also built a general store on the same property and ran it for several years in addition to his cooperage business. By 1926 early signs began to indicate that the good times might be ending. This prompted him to sell all his business interests and personal property to Harry Wood and his brother-in-law Booey Porter, old friends from Hall’s Harbour who wanted to move to the valley.


Harry and his family moved to ‘Wolfville for a few months while he looked around for a new means of supporting himself and his family. In 1927 he became manager of the flour and feed division of the United Fruit Company, a local farmers’ cooperative with headquarters in Kentville. He bought a house in Kentville at 11 Oakdene Terrace. The following year he sold it to his wife’s nephew-in-law, Norman Moore, and built a three bedroom bungalow nearby in the same Oakdene sub-division. In 1931, he sold these houses and built another bungalow across the street from the first. His wife, Edith, enjoyed drawing the plans for these houses and he enjoyed having them built. With each transaction he would make a little profit. It is interesting to note that this second bungalow was built around 1931 for $4,000 including the price of the lot. In the early 1980’s it was sold for $80,000 after having passed through several owners none of whom made any major additions or repairs. The drop in the value of a dollar in 50 years is hard to grasp [comment by Elaine at 92, in 2008].


In 1930 his elder child, Elaine, had a long and expensive illness which nearly wiped out the capitol from the sale of his Centreville businesses which he had always planned to use to re-establish himself in business for himself when the economy improved. These were the depression years. They hit Nova Scotia hard. Many people were destitute. Farmers could not find markets for their crops. Nevertheless he established himself in business.


At some point during these years, Harry took the last of his financial resources and bought a rail ticket to Winnipeg, Manitoba. Once there he talked his way into the office of the President of the Quakers Oats Company of Canada. At that time Quaker Oats had no distribution east of Montreal in Quebec. What Harry proposed, and persuaded the President to agree to, was to ship a carload of grain in the form of animal feed to him in Kentville, Nova Scotia, where he would sell it, return an agreed percentage to the company and keep the profit as his salary. They did and he succeeded. His association with the Quaker oats company continued to grow and lasted over thirty years.


The Depression hit the United States even harder than it did the Maritimes. In 1934 and 1935 his brother-in-law Dick, a master carpenter who lived near Boston, Massachusetts, could find no work. Building was at a standstill there. Dad sold his Oakdene bungalow and with additional borrowed capitol had Dick come to Kentville and build a four unit apartment house at 521 Main St, similar to those he has been building in the suburbs of Boston. Dad moved his family into one of the units. This not only meant his children no longer had a long walk to school but it also gave Dick much needed employment. After the birth of a second daughter in 1941, this unit was too small and he bought a large house on the hill facing the United Baptist Church on Main Street.


He built a warehouse on Cornwallis St in Kentville, on a little spur line of the Dominion Atlantic Railway and began a business as Maritime distributor for Quaker Oats Company of Winnipeg. He brought in rail car loads of seed, fertilizers and animal feed for the area farmers.


The family lived at first in a small house at the top of Gallow’s Hill. A few years later, he purchased a four unit apartment building just west of the Baptist minister’s house on Main St in Kentville. Subsequently, he bought a large house on the hill opposite the United Baptist Church. I grew up in the house and later moved back to the apartment when my father retired, by this time I was in University.


Edith was a wonderful gardener and while they lived in the house, she maintained a large, terraced flower garden that was considered one of the best in town. She grew the flowers while Harry tended the vegetable plot.


Harry continued to work until he was over 70 years old and remained active until his death in 1967. He died following a heart attack suffered while tending his garden. Edith lived another nine years. Harry and Edith had three children:


1)   Elaine Lois Balsor Jean; b. 19 Oct 1916, Centreville Kings Co NS; m. 20 Dec 1947, New Haven Connecticut, Dr. Yves Jean b. 7 Jan 1919, Quebec PQ, son of Phidelem Jean, b. 1881, d. 1955 Quebec City, PQ, and Helene Chouinard, b. 1892, d. 1972 Quebec City, PQ; they were m. April 1914 St Pamphile PQ. Elaine and Yves had no children.


Oct 2002 – Elaine and her husband moved to Sackville NB in May 1987. In 1995 they moved into the Tantramar Residences where they still reside.  Elaine received her Master of Education degree from Syracuse University and throughout her career taught students in university, high school and special education classes wherever she lived. Her husband is a marine biologist who, upon receipt of his PhD from University of Toronto in 1955, accepted a two year contract to work in Sri Lanka, formerly Ceylon, with the Colombo Plan. From 1957 to 1963 he was a senior biologist for the Fisheries research Board of Canada in St. Andrews, NB and from 1963 to 1969 Director General, Fisheries Directorate, Dept. of industry and commerce of the Province of Quebec. Following this he became a free-lance translator of scientific research. During their careers they lived in Quebec, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia.


Apr 2011 – Yves Jean d. Aug 31 2005 and is buried at Lakeview Cemetery in Lakeville. Elaine lives in the New Edinburg Square Residence, Ottawa, ON, near her sister, Laurel, and family.


2)   Harry Robbins Balsor; b. 3 May 1919, Centreville Kings Co NS; d. 15 Dec 1944, Ravenna, Italy; unmarried. Pte. Harry Robbins Balsor F/95692 fought in WWII with the West Nova Scotia Regiment, Royal Canadian Infantry Corps, and was the recipient of the C.V.S.M. and bar, the 39-45 War Medal, the 39-45 Star, the Defence Medal, and the Italy Star.  He is buried in the Canadian War Cemetery, Ravenna, Italy.


3)   Laurel Anne née Balsor Pardy; b. 13 Jan 1941, Kentville, Kings Co NS; m. Henry Garfield Pardy 3 Sept 1963, Wolfville Kings Co NS, b. 10 Nov 1939, Bishop’s Falls NL, son of James Conrad Pardy b. 25 Jan 1911, Clarenville NL, d. 1997, Twillingate Notre Dame Bay NL  and Rosa Blanche Dean b. Jan 1913 Southport Trinity Bay NL, d. 1992, Twillingate, Notre Dame Bay NL; they are buried at the Gander Cemetery, Gander NL.


Children of Laurel Anne Balsor and Henry Garfield Pardy:

1.                  Michael Conrad Pardy, b. 15 June 1967, Hamilton ON; m. Kari Lynne Jones 28 May 1994, Ottawa ON, b. 25 Sept 1966, Australia, daughter of Terrence Stanford Ellis Jones b. 28 Feb 1941, Nagpur, India, and Dawn Anne Campbell b. 4 Nov 1938, Windsor ON; they have one son, Rowan Nicholas Jones Pardy b. 19 Apr 1997, Victoria BC.


            Terrence Jones is the son of Stanford Hargraves Jones, b. 29 Oct 1914, Bombay, India and Beulah Kelvin Hay-Ellis, b. 5 Nov 1910, Bangalore, India, d. 5 Nov 2001, Waterloo ON.


            Dawn Anne Jones nee Campbell is the daughter of Murray Donald Campbell, b. 20 Nov 1910, Stratford ON, dec.; and Annie Loretta Paul, b. 10 Jun 1910, Poland ON, dec.


2.                  Julian Harry Pardy, b. 12 Apr 1969, Ottawa ON.



Bay of Fundy Connections


We do not know exactly where H. Christopher Balsor lived but he owned land on Wilmot Mountain that stretched down to the Bay of Fundy. Two of his sons, Hiram Abbot and Jonathan Woodbury, lived at some point in Black Rock and Canada Creek as they had children born there.  Jonathan’s son, Asaph, lived for a time in Canada Creek and five of Hiram Abbot’s sons – Wm Wallace, Austin Hiram, Gordon Pineo, Geo Washington, and Hiram Guy – lived variously in Harbourville, Canada Creek, Black Rock and Chipman Brook. Asaph’s son, Asaph Harris, lived at Hall’s Harbour and he had cousins still living along the shore.


They farmed and fished for their own table and local trade. Wm Wallace was a sea captain and shoemaker but farming remained their main occupation.


Summers at Hall’s Harbour

Even though the descendents of Asaph Baltzer left the farm at East Hall’s Harbour in the early 1900’s, his son Harry and his children continued to own cottages at Hall’s Harbour until 1982.


The first had a wide veranda and brown shingles. It was at the end of the Cove Road and named Idlewile. It was here that the older children spent all their summers. When Laurel was born, WWII was threatening the world. Harry Jr went to Europe never to return and Elaine was sent to care for her baby sister over several summers at the cottage.


During one of these anxious summers, Elaine met her future husband, a shaggy haired marine biology assistant professor from Laval University in Quebec, Yves Jean, spending the summer doing research along the Bay of Fundy on salmon for the Fisheries Research Board of Canada. A French Roman Catholic with an academic knowledge of English and an anglophone Baptist crossing paths in a tiny fishing village at the end of a dirt road, an accidental couple who celebrated their 55th wedding anniversary in 2002.


Edith, Harry’s wife, was never as fond of Hall’s Harbour as the rest of the family and she persuaded him to sell up in the mid-fifties. [Note from Elaine Balsor Jean: This lasted for one day. On a Saturday evening Dad contracted to sell the cottage to a farmer from near Port Williams. The next morning at breakfast mother commented “It is going to be strange not to have a cottage at Hall’s Harbour. We will miss it.” That was all Dad needed. At eleven o’clock he returned from a walk to announce, “I have bought Len Houghton’s old barn. I can be turned into a comfortable cottage. Edith, I am putting the deed in your name only. It will be yours. You will be free to sell it any time you want. Whether we have a cottage at Hall’s Harbour or not will be entirely up to you.”  The question of not having a cottage at Hall’s Harbour never came up again. She owned one until after her husband’s death when she sold it to Elaine and Yves. Harry turned Len’s barn into a large one room cottage with fireplace, kitchenette and bedroom near the first cottage. Another move brought the third cottage tucked into a niche by a rocky knoll nearer the corner the Cove road and the main road down to the crick. This ultimately became a permanent home for Elaine and her husband, Yves, for a number of years. Confined with angina, Edith spent the last years of her life here, in a self-contained bed-sit overlooking a tiny courtyard garden.


In 1970, Edith built the fourth and last cottage at Hall’s Harbour for Laurel who by this time had her own children and needed a Canadian foothold for her wandering foreign service family. When Laurel’s sons reached their adulthood, and Elaine had moved back to Kentville following Edith’s death, the last of the cottages was sold and the ties with Hall’s Harbour remain only as happy memories.





Appendix A


Paul Guidry aka Old Labrador


When Lt-Col Lawrence arrived at Lunenburg with the Foreign Protest Settlers,  living there was a métis calling himself Old Labrador. He, and other members of his family, had lived here along with a number of Mi’qmag families for some years. He had a nephew, also métis, who applied to live in Lunenburg with his wife and children. For a few years they were very useful to the English military. They disappeared in 1756, after the expulsion of the Acadians in 1755.


The Guidry Family

   [translated from on-line Guidry family genealogy]

… one of those families, questionables and vagabonds, whom we encounter very often within the records, and which does not even appear in the censuses. … their existence, we ascertain, from the details of their life, that their establishment in Acadia must be old, but we cannot state precisely the time nor establish the systematic linking of facts.

That family has always lived with the savages and the Métis; Guidry, father of Old Labarador/Paul Guidry, is a man of La Hève, he was born there, he has lived there and it pleases him; his father must have been one of those rugged characters of the East Coast, who refused to follow D'Aulnay to Port-Royal; perhaps he had come with Razilly, perhaps he went back further, even to the companions of Latour and of Krainguille. It is very possilbe that he married a squaw, as Latour and several others. Nothing is certain, but all this is possible! and we presume that they are very old in the country.

In 1701 Claude Guidry resided in the rugged region of La Hève, for in the register of Port-Royal, Claude Guidery and Marguerite Petitpas had in 1701 a new child who was baptized at Mirliguesh, name of Paul Guidery, his godfather was Baptiste Guidery; this child was the eleventh boy of the family, and he is the one by whom we can follow the trail the longest time.


In these records appear from time to time some baptisms and marriages of the Guidery, there is the same about them in the documents of Nova Scotia, under the English administration; the Guidery family with several other half-bred families, got then some land from the hand of Colonel Mascarene, on the East Coast. During the time of the exile, these half-bred families made their submission and took the oath from the English.


Because the Acadian men did not have any French girls to marry, they married Indians. These marriages were rehabilitated and blessed in 1626 by a missionary traveling to the Grands Bancs de Pêche. These new families settled near Cap-de-Sable where they formed the village of Mirliguèche [later to become Lunenburg].


Daniel Guidry postulates that Claude Guédry may have been born in Acadia about 1648 and raised among the Micmacs. Having been with Indians all his youth, he quite possibly may have meant Kesk8a [Keskoua] and 'married' her when he was still a youth of 18 to 20 years old (i.e., in 1666-1668). Their daughter Jeanne Guédry may have been born shortly after the 'marriage' (ca. 1669) and, therefore, would have been approximately 12 years old at the time of her baptism on 2 June 1681 on the St. John River at Menagoneck. Kesk8a may have died about 1680 and Claude would have struggled to raise a young daughter by himself. Perhaps Claude had Jeanne baptized to legitimize his 'marriage' to Kesk8a so that he could marry Marguerite Petitpas, who had just lost her husband Martin Dugas, and thus could help Claude in raising his daughter. Was this baptism a condition of their marriage? This marriage could certainly have been one of convenience for both Claude and Marguerite since Marguerite had a young son Abraham (born in 1678) and an infant daughter Marie (born in 1680). It would have been much easier for Claude and Marguerite to raise their children if they were married than it would have been as single parents. By the Census of 1698 when we get our first glimpse of Claude's family neither Jeanne nor Marie is living in the family home. Marie Dugas married Joseph Guyon in 1697. Jeanne Guédry may have also wed and left the family home by 1698 or perhaps she has died. In 1698 Abraham Dugas is a man of 20 years and still living with his mother and step-father. Some interesting questions arise. For example, why was Jeanne Guédry baptized on the St. John River at Menagoneck - across the Bay of Fundy from Port Royal? Also, Jeanne de La Tour, wife of Martin d'Aprendestiguy, and Claude Petitpas were fairly important people in the small Acadian community. Why would they have been the godparents for a Métis girl (Jeanne) when she was baptized on the other side of the Bay of Fundy?


Bona Arsenault indicates that Claude Guédry arrived in Acadia about 1671. In May 1671 the ship L'Oranger, departing from La Rochelle, France, brought about fifty new colonists to Acadia. Could Claude Guédry have been one of the passengers on this ship? The roles have been lost so there is no way to know with certainty. Although the Census of 1671 of Port Royal was completed in November 1671, it is likely that the new colonists from the L'Oranger may not have been censused if they did not locate in the region being censused.


After the baptism of Jeanne Guédry on the St. John River at Menagoneck in June 1681, we next encounter Claude Guédry at Merliguèche during the Census of 1686. Here he is listed as "La Verdure 35, sa femme 25 et un enfant" (La Verdure 35, his wife 25 and a child). It is unclear who this child is or why only one child is listed. There were at least four (possibly six) children living with the family in 1686: Jeanne Guédry, daughter of Claude and Kesk8a (if Jeanne had not died by this time); Abraham Dugas (born 1678), son of Martin Dugas and Marguerite Petitpas; Marie Dugas (born 1680), daughter of Martin Dugas and Marguerite Petitpas; Claude Guédry (born 1682), son of Claude Guédry and Marguerite Petitpas; Jean-Baptiste Guédry (born 1684), son of Claude Guédry and Marguerite Petitpas and possibly Charles Guédry (born 1686), son of Claude Guédry and Marguerite Petitpas.


For almost fifteen years Claude disappears from the record. During this time he almost certainly was living among the Micmac Indians and the Métis in the Merliguèche area - a place with few Acadians and thus minimal opportunity to appear in any records. His life was probably one of fishing, hunting and trapping supplemented by farming. Certainly he traded furs as Merliguèche certainly had plenty of furs and was well located on the coast for trading with its ideal small harbor. Since one of his sons Paul was an expert coasting pilot, it is likely that Claude also piloted a boat on occasion.


On 16 August 1695 Claude Guédry in his own hand signed an Oath of Allegiance to the King of England. The Oath read "We do Swear and Sincerely Promise That we will be Faithful and bear True Allegiance to his Majty King William, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland. So help us God." Captain Fleetwood Emes, Commander of the Sorlings Frigate administered the Oath at Port-Royal. In taking the Oath, Claude signed his name as "Claude Gaidry". It is uncertain if Claude was actually at Port Royal to sign the document or if Captain Emes sailed to the Eastern shore of Acadia to secure allegiance to the King from the distant Acadians.


Apparently Claude did relocate to the Port Royal area in the 1690's as in 1698 he and his family are censused at Port Royal: "Claude Guaidry 50, Margtte Petitpas 40, Enfants: Abraham 20, Claude 16, Jean Baptiste 14, Charles 12, Alexis 10, Augustin 8, Marie Josephe 6, Claude 4, Joseph 3, Pierre 1/2. Bestes a Corne 10, Brebis 2, Cochons 8, Arpens de terre 8, Arbres fruites 0, Fusils 1, Domestiques 0" (Claude Guaidry 50, Margtte Petitpas 40, Children: Abraham 20, Claude 16, Jean Baptiste 14, Charles 12, Alexis 10, Augustin 8, Marie Josephe 6, Claude 4, Joseph 3, Pierre 1/2. Cattle 10, Sheep 2, Pigs 8, Arpents of land 8, Fruit trees 0, Guns 1, Domestic servants 0.) Obviously Claude has been in the Port Royal area for more than a fleeting moment since he has a significant amount of cultivated land and a number of farm animals.


Abraham listed in the Census of 1698 was actually Abraham Dugas, son of Martin Dugas and Marguerite Petitpas. Abraham was about 2 years old at the time of his father's death. His sister Marie Dugas, born in 1680, married Joseph Guyon in 1697 and thus has left her parental home by the time of the Census of 1698.


Jeanne Guédry, the daughter of Claude Guédry and Kesk8a, is also not found with her father and step-mother in 1698. Perhaps she also has married although no record of it has been found or she may have died by this time. Based on the birth of their eldest child Claude (born in 1682) and the death of Martin Dugas in about 1680, Claude Guédry and Marguerite Petitpas probably married in 1681. Why they would have relocated from Merliguèche to Port Royal is uncertain, but we do know that it was not permanent. They evidently moved back to Mirliguèche shortly after 1698 as Claude and his family do not appear in the Censuses of Port Royal in 1699, 1700, 1701, 1703 and 1707.


By early 1701 Claude Guédry definitely has moved his family back to Merliguèche. In January 1701 we find that Claude and Marguerite's youngest son Paul was conditionally baptized by Joseph Guyon (Dyon), husband of Marie Dugas - step-sister of Paul. Also, on 14 January 1703 Françoise Guédry, youngest daughter of Claude and Marguerite, was conditionally baptized by her brother Baptiste Guédry on the day of her birth. Conditional baptisms were normally performed when the child was born in an area where there were no priests to conduct the baptismal ceremony. On 8 September 1705 Father Félix Pain, during a missionary journey to the East Coast including Merliguèche, baptized Paul Guédry and Françoise Guédry with full church ceremonies. The baptisms were registered at St.-Jean-Baptiste de Port-Royal Catholic Church on 27 October 1705 on the return of Father Pain from his missionary journey. In the baptismal record of both Paul and Françoise, their parents are listed as - Claude Guedry and Marguerite Petitpas inhabitants of Merliguèche. The godparents of Paul Guédry were Baptiste Guédry and Marie Tibodeau. The godparents of Françoise Guédry were Pierre Bourg and Jeanne Lejeune.

Old Labrador

Around 1735, Paul Guidery, the last child of Claude Guidery, enters the picture. He was an active, skillful young fellow, it appears, and especially quite merry, he is constantly called thus: Paul Guidery dit Grivois, or sometimes le Jovial; he married a little after 1730, Anne Mius d'Entremont, illegitimate daughter of a Mius d'Entremont and of a half-bred squaw of the East Coast. Once married he continued the life of his father, lifetime of fishing and of the coasting trade; he practiced the fishing from Baie St-Marie to Cap Nord of the Isle of Cap-Breton.


In 1745 we find him still at Mirligouesh, where he is considered an excellent coasting pilot (dispatch of M. de Beauharnois of 12 September 1745). The 21st of October 1747, he is made an outlaw by Shirley with 12 other Acadians. From this moment on, he ceases in any manner to have a fixed residence; the fishing and coasting trips become his normal circumstance around Louisbourg.


[after this] he lives on his boat with his family. He often visited the Baie Espagnole bringing back coal and miscellaneous materials. Here a French officer named Bogard de Lanoue became so strongly in love with one of his daughters that in spite of the formal pleas by M. d'Aillebout, commanding officer of Cap-Breton, he married her 17 February 1755. That marriage was contested as invalid, in the name of the king, because it was forbidden for officers to marry girls of mixed blood; there resulted from it a rather scandalous debate.


After the capture of Louisbourg, 1756, Guidry submitted, as nearly all the Métis of the East Coast; he returned to his quarters [where?] and we no longer hear of him.


Nephew of Old Labrador

Charles Lawrence, while establishing the Foreign Protestant Settlers at Lunenburg found on their arrival the 8th of June 1753 Vieux Labrador (Old Labrador), Paul Guidry, who was an Indian or at least a half-breed, as he said in his journal. He found likewise his nephew, he called Deschamps, nicknamed Cloverwater, whose services were very useful to Lawrence.


As for Deschamps, Captain Charles Morris said the 15th of May 1754 that he was a neutral French, in the employ of the English. In reality, however, his father was Acadian and his mother an Indian.


We find at Massachusetts with a number of the Acadian exiles Jean Deschamps, born about (sic) 1698, his wife Jeanne, called here Joan, born about 1703 and their daughter Anne or Nannette, called Nanny, born about 1739, married to Joseph La Noue. They have been put first at Malden, the 28th of November 1755, but were transferred to Stoneham the 17th of March 1756 following. Both parents were sick and crippled and unable to work. It is rather strange to find in 1760 some bills of Joseph La Noue for having taken care of these persons. Jean Deschamps and his wife, at the same time as Nannette and her two children, were transferred to Boston the 28th of August 1760.


This Jean Deschamps, whom we met here for the first time, but of whom we no longer hear after 1760, could be the Deschamps of the journal of Lawrence, who disappeared from the public records of Acadia after 1754 or 1755.


This may be the identity of our Deschamps, he must have wanted to settle at Merliguesh, called later Lunenburg, having requested a share of land with gardens, in order to send to Pisiquid for his wife and his children; they having passed through Halifax. His Indian mother must be sister to Vieux Labrador since Deschamps called him his uncle. Is it possible that this one, Paul, … would have been likewise half-bred, therefore, he called himself Labrador, the name that his real father had born? Moreover, would not Vieux Labrador himself have been half-bred instead of pure-blooded Indian? Labrador is probably of Indian origin.


The 24th of August 1754 Cotterell wrote to Colonel Patrick Sutherland of the Warburton regiment, who had replaced Lawrence as commandant at the settlement of Lunenburg, that he sent to him 25 Acadians who had gotten out of Louisbourg in order to avoid the famine, of which are near relations to Vieux Labrador ("nearly related to old Labrador"). In the month of October another group was sent to Lunenburg, among which the family that bore the name of Labrador. None of these Acadians were to stay long at Lunenburg.


In order to return to the Labrador of Merliguesh, there was here the Labrador Farm (Labrador's Farm), containing about seven arpents of land on which was situated the Labrador House (Labrador's House), both being shown on a map of 1753. In 1762 this lot  when it was granted to Patrick Sutherland [second in command of the settlers at the founding of Lunenburg, it is a lovely piece of property on the eastern arm of the main harbour], was denoted as having already belonged to Paul Labrador, probably our Vieux Labrador.


The Labrador, if they were from the very first half-bred, have not strayed from the Micmac nation. They only make their appearance in the civil or church registers after the Expulsion.


.. All the Guidry nevertheless have not remained settled on that coast. One of the brothers of Guidery le Grivois surrendered, at the time of the exile, on the Isle St-Jean. He was called Pierre and was born in 1698; one of his sons named Anselme married then on that isle a girl called Marie Leblanc, originally of Pigiguitk. When the isle was occupied at his place by the English, Pierre Guidry and his wife Marguerite Brosseau, took refuge at St-Pierre and Miquelon, where they were in 1767, and where their descendants live perhaps even today.



Appendix B                taken from;


History of Hesse


Until 1871 Germany was almost always a conglomeration of independent or semi-independent states held together loosely by some common bond such as religion, language, a mutual enemy, economic need and sometimes the force of one man. These states were constantly splitting, coalescing, rising to power, falling from power, cooperating, warring and rearranging.

The name of Hesse is derived from that of a Frankish tribe, the Hessi. The Hessians were converted to Christianity mainly through the efforts of St Boniface

The heraldic animal of Hesse is the lion, its image determined by law: the lion emblem shows a rearing lion with golden claws set within a shield of blue background. Originally, the lion decorated the coat of arms of the Landgraves of Thuringia, who ruled over Hesse as part of their kingdom until 1247.

Like other parts of Germany during the eighth century Hesse felt the absence of a strong central power but after the accession of Otto in 936 the land quietly accepted the yoke of the medieval emperors. Until 1247, when the Thuringian ruling family became extinct, Hesse formed part of Thuringia.

The death of Henry Raspe, the last landgrave of Thuringia, in 1247, caused a long war over the disposal of his lands. this dispute was settled in 1264 when his niece Sophia (d. 1284), widow of Henry II., Duke of Brabant, handed over Hesse to her son Henry (1244—1308), who, remembering the connexion of Hesse and Thuringia, took the title of landgrave, and is the ancestor of all the subsequent rulers of the country. In 1292 Henry was made a prince of the Empire, and with him the history of Hesse properly begins.

For nearly 300 years the history of Hesse is comparatively uneventful. The land, which fell into two main portions, upper Hesse round Marburg, and lower Hesse round Cassel, was twice divided between two members of the ruling family, but no permanent partition took place before the Reformation.

The origin of Hesse-Kassel really goes back to Philip, Landgrave of Hesse and leading figure in the German reformation, one of the greatest of Hessian rulers. In 1526, Philip had introduced Lutheranism and the following year founded the Protestant University of Marburg. When he died in 1567, his Hesse was divided among his four sons into Hesse-Kassel, Hesse-Marburg, Hesse-Rheinfels, and Hesse-Darmstadt.


Upon the demise shortly afterward of the Rheinfels (1583) and Marburg (1648) lines, the whole territory was held by the two remaining lines Hesse-Kassel and Hesse-Darmstadt. After the annexation of Hesse-Cassel by Prussia in 1866, Hesse-Darmstadt remained the only independent part of Hesse, and it generally receives the common name. In 1871, Hesse-Darmstadt joined the newly founded German Empire, and it continued under its own dynasty until the German revolution of 1918. In 1945 most of the Hesse territories were merged to form Greater Hesse, later simply called Hesse.



Appendix C                taken from


Treaty of Utrecht


The Treaty of Utrecht, 31 March 1713 (Julian Calendar)/ 11April 1713 (Gregorian Calendar), gave Acadia (modern Nova Scotia and New Brunswick including part of Maine) to Britain while France kept Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island) and Ile St-Jean (Prince Edward Island). The French in Nova Scotia were to keep their religion and land and take an oath of loyalty to the British Crown. If they would not do so they were to leave the territory within one year or face penalty.


A series of treaties between 1713 and 1725, including the Treaties of Utrecht 1713, The Treaties of Baden-Rastätt 1714, the treaties of the Hague 1717/ 1720, The Quadruple Alliance 1718 and the Treaty of Vienna 1725 were intended to settle the conflicting claims resulting from the fourten-year conflict known as the War of the Spanish Succession.  This was was fought in Europe, on the  high seas, and in North America where it was known as Queen Anne’s War. Each of the treaties included renunciations by the various parties of claims on territories and of rights to future successions, almost all of which were honoured more in the breach than in the execution.

As a result, Acadia was surrendered to the English; however, the territorial boundaries of "Acadia" would remain in question for another fifty years. English authorities asserted the entire region from the Kennebec River to the Saint Lawrence (including present-day Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Maine, and southeast Quebec) as an English possession; while French authorities claimed that lands north of the Bay of Fundy (present-day New Brunswick) had not been surrendered under the treaty and was therefore French territory...


Appendix D               taken from

Nova Scotia and Acadian History, 1550 - 1755

In the early 1600s, a century after the voyages of Christopher Columbus, the Atlantic Seaboard of North America began to attract serious attention in Europe; in 1608 the French established Quebec, in 1620 the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock, in 1626 the Dutch landed in a place now known as Manhattan.


Settlement of what was to become the United States and Canada continued to pick up speed: John Winthrop founded Boston in 1630; Samuel Champlain set up Trois-Rivieres, Canada, in 1634; South Carolina was settled in 1663; William Penn established Pennsylvania in 1681.


The Spanish still claimed much of North America, but the Atlantic Seaboard was pre-empted by others.


Spanish power had declined rapidly after 1550. Her armies were defeated by the French, and a revolt by the Netherlands — secretly aided by England — had drained Spain of strength. By the late 1500s, English "sea dogs" such as John Hawkins and Francis Drake were seizing Spanish ships wherever they met them.


The raids, of course, angered Spanish King Philip, and he was made angrier by the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, Elizabeth's Catholic rival for the English throne. He assembled a massive fleet of ships and in 1588 sent them to overthrow Elizabeth, take her island and restore Catholicism there. But the Spanish Armada was defeated, some say by luck, some say by skill, some say by the chance happenings of a storm. Indeed, the ships that managed to escape British guns were driven ashore and broken up by a terrific storm.


The defeat of the armada successfully defended the British isles, but it did more: It opened the seas to British shipping, and North America to British colonization.


Second Oldest European Settlement in North America: Port Royal

(now Lower Granville, Annapolis County, Nova Scotia)


A wealthy Huguenot, Sieur de Monts was the holder of a trade monopoly in New France.  In 1604-5 he and Samuel de Champlain explored the coast of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and New England as far south as Cape Cod. In 1605 he established the first French colony in Canada at Port Royal (now Annapolis Royal, Nova Scotia). Leaving it in Champlain's care, he returned to France but sent ships in 1607 and 1608 to aid the colonists. In 1605 at Port Royal the French founded their first successful colony in North America. Later they named all their Atlantic possessions Acadie, or Acadia. This was the beginning of European settlement in Canada, and the colony thus established is the oldest European settlement in North America with the exception of St. Augustine in Florida.



Caught between opposing policies, the Acadian population endured a troubled history and looked on powerlessly as others made decisions. By right of conquest, Acadia became  English in 1613, but in practice it was still French, since no English settlers arrived before 1629. The two colonial powers of Europe paid little attention to Acadia until the end of the 1620s, when renewed interest foreshadowed the turbulent years that lay ahead for the inhabitants of this coveted territory...

Nova Scotia flip flops between English and French rule

In 1613 English colonists from Virginia captured Port Royale, and in 1621 Acadia was renamed Nova Scotia by William Alexander, who had been granted the territory by King James I of England on September 10, 1621. His attempts to colonize the region were a failure, but his royal charter gave Nova Scotia its name, coat-of-arms, and flag.

The flag of Nova Scotia is a white flag with a blue St. Andrew's Cross (Saltier) dividing the field in four, while in the centre is the double-tressured lion of Scotland, the ruddy lion rampant in gold.

The Ancient Arms of Nova Scotia is the oldest and grandest in all the Commonwealth countries overseas. It was granted to the Royal Province of Nova Scotia in 1625 by King Charles I in support of the first British colonial effort on the Canadian mainland. The Arms were borne by the Baronets of Nova Scotia. The Scottish statesman Sir William Alexander established the British territorial claims which were later realized. Reference Appendix H.

In 1632 the colony was ceded to the French under the Treaty of St-Germain-en-Laye. Port-Royale was refounded — at Annapolis Royal, close to its former site — and Acadian colonization proceeded through the Annapolis Valley to the Chignecto Isthmus, although quarrels among the Acadians prompted Oliver Cromwell to dispatch an occupying force in 1654.


Charles II restored Nova Scotia to the French in the Treaty of Breda in 1667. After the Treaty of Breda, Acadia became a royal colony, which meant that the French crown took over the financial and administrative responsibilities, since neither private nor public companies had been successful in developing the colonies in North America. From an administrative point of view, the governor of New France had jurisdiction over Acadia but, in practice, the administrators on the Bay of Fundy preferred to deal directly with France. The isolation and communication difficulties, and specific internal problems, forced officials in Acadia to follow a very different course of action than those in New France


Given their meagre resources, the authorities in Acadia could do no more than pursue a laissez-faire policy with regard to the fishery and the fur trade.

In 1713 the mainland was awarded to the British under the Treaty of Utrecht. The French controlled the Ile Saint-Jean (Prince Edward Island) and Ile Royale (Cape Breton Island).

For the next 36 years England virtually ignored its colony in Nova Scotia in favour of the colonies in New England. As hostilities with the French intensified, however, they looked again to secure its interests there. In 1749 Edward Cornwallis was named governor of Nova Scotia and sent hither with 2500 potential colonists to establish an English stronghold. The capitol was moved from the small fort at Annapolis Royal to Halifax, a larger harbour closer to the shipping routes and to the French fort at Louisburg. Most of these young men fled this wilderness for established colonies farther on the first available sailing ship. A short wave of Foreign Protestant Settlers followed in 1750 -1752 and established the community at Lunenburg.

Governor Cornwallis returned to England in the summer of 1752 and was suceeded by Governor Thomas Peregrine Hopson. Unfortunately, Hopson was not a healthy man and himself returned to England in the fall of 1753 to be replaced by a military man with long experience in Nova Scotia, Governor Charles Lawrence.

Governor Lawrence faced a number of issues: the increasing hostilities between England and France over domination of the new world and its resources; the refusal of the Acadian population of Nova Scotia to take an oath of allegiance to England thus making their loyalty, or neutrality, in doubt when the inevitable war would break out; continued raids on English settlements by Indians abetted by several French priests and possibly Acadians to whom the Indians were loyal; conflicting interpretations of the exact boundary between French and English territory as laid out in the Treaty of Utrecht.

The one problem over which he did have some control was the situation of the Acadians and the Oath of Allegiance which had been lying fallow since the Treaty of Utrecht. In the spring of 1755, he persuaded the governing council at Halifax that these troublesome Acadian should sign or be expelled from Nova Scotia.

Appendix E                from ;


The Expulsion of the Acadians 1755


In the years following the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, the British had several times tried to convince the French-speaking, Catholic Acadians to sign an Oath (of allegience) swearing fealty to the British Crown. The Acadians refused to agree to anything that might force them to take up arms against fellow Frenchmen. Equally, they refused to relocate themselves into French held territory in Cape Breton (Ile Royale) or Prince Edward Island (Ile St Jean).


As the wars in Europe pitted England against France and spread to their colonies in North America in the lead up to the Seven Years War for domination of America, England became more convinced that these Acadian would, in effect, become fifth columnists in any fighting in Nova Scotia.


Until 1749 the Acadians were governed benignly from Port Royal, the English fort at Annapolis Royal. In 1749 the capitol of Nova Scotia was moved to Halifax and Edward Lawrence made Governor. By 1749, relations between England and France were tense and volitile with fighting spread throughout North America and on the seas. By 1755 French and English hostilities had boiled over. In Nova Scotia, fighting was almost continuous between the English and French soldiers. People could not move outside areas protected by English forts without being in danger for their lives. The Indian populaiton sided with the French and continued to harrass any attempt at settlement. The governors of Quebec and Louisbourg encouraged fear among the Acadian for their land and safety from the English and supported acts of hostility. In the summer of 1755 Lawrence had the men, money and will to put an end to the guerilla tactics of the French and Indians. He ordered the Acadians removed from the territory of Nova Scotia and dispersed throughout North America.


Governor Lawrence received no instructions from England to deport the Acadian population out of the province of Nova Scotia. After the deed was done, and only after, was he to write his masters at London advising them, in a somewhat incidental manner, that he had taken steps to put the province in a more secure position. Lawrence reasoned that the removal of French inhabitants of Acadia was necessary for the security of the colony.


On May 17th, 1756, England was to declare war on France and, thereafter, there was no time for the English or French leaders to give even the merest thought to the ancient inhabitants of Acadia which had been flung on the eastern shores of English North America. The Seven Years War ensued which was ended in 1763 with the Treaty of Paris. The French claims to North America, as a practical matter, were, by this war, utterly defeated. The reconstruction of what had been French territory then was to take all of the attentions of the English administrators.


Within a dozen years the cauldron known as the thirteen colonies -- long had it been heating up -- boiled over.  The English then had their hands full with the American Revolution. In the 1780s, Canada and Nova Scotia was to receive a flood of Loyalists from the English colonies to the south.


The neutrality of the Acadians, was, it should be said, self proclaimed. However, by international law they had no right to such a claim. With France having given up their claims to Acadia by the terms of Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, the Acadians had no choice but to swear allegiance to the British crown, or leave. They were asked again and again to take the oath; but they were steadfast in their refusal.


The Acadians ignored the English and got away with it for forty odd years.


Though the act against the Acadians in 1755 was swift and sure it was one that was contemplated for many years, the deportation of the Acadians having been first proposed in 1720. The history is clear, that up to 1755, the English treated the French inhabitants in Nova Scotia with tolerance.


Opinions:…The true authors of the tragic event, were the French Governors at Quebec and Louisbourg, and their agents, lay and clerical, in the Province. They created the necessity, the British only met it...


Professor Brebner, in his book, New England's Outpost, "... over six thousand peaceful farming people were by force and stratagem rounded up and hurriedly placed on transports and distributed from Massachusetts to South Carolina…It was a cruel, pitiless affair.

John Clarence Webster…These people loved their homes and their life in Acadia They learned too late that they had been mere pawns in the game of high politics directed from Quebec. Many of them had been cajoled and terrorized, mainly through the machinations of priests like Le Loutre

Sir. Adams G. Archibald …If there were cruelty in the sentence of deportation, surely the men of their own race and creed, who rendered that proceeding inevitable, are the persons to whom blame should attach...But there cannot be a question that the Government and its subordinates were most anxious to do what had to be done……Instead, therefore, of imputing the calamity which befell these people, to the cruelty of the English authorities,we ought rather to charge it on the men who rendered it inevitable. The true authors of the tragic event, were the French Governors at Quebec and Louisbourg, and their agents, lay and clerical, in the Province. They created the necessity, the British only met it. They played with cruel skill on the ignorance, credulity and superstition, as well as on the generous affections, of the poor Acadians, and if that followed, which could not but follow, under such circumstances, surely they ought to bear the blame whose intrigues and instigations brought about a natural and inevitable result. The Acadians may therefore say with truth, that if they suffered calamity beyond the common lot of humanity, they owe it to men of their own race and creed-pretended friends, but real enemies."



Appendix F                exerpts from © 1998, Ralph T. Pastore, Archaeology Unit & History Department, Memorial University of Newfoundland

The Mi’qmag

In what is now Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, a part of the Gaspé Peninsula and eastern New Brunswick, the Aboriginal people who greeted the first European visitors to their coasts were the Mi'kmaq (Micmac). Human occupation of this region extends back to more than 10,000 years ago, during which time its Native inhabitants adjusted to dramatic climatic change, significant technological development, and the arrival of new groups from the south. None of these things, however, would have as great an effect upon Aboriginal people as the coming of strangers from Europe. In the century after John Cabot's 1497 voyage to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the Mi'kmaq would trade furs for copper kettles, woolen blankets, iron knives, and the other products of early modern Europe, as well as shallops (small sailing vessels) to carry the new goods to other Native peoples throughout the Gulf and as far south as New England. During this period, if not earlier, the Mi'kmaq reached the island of Newfoundland.

For Mi'kmaq everywhere the defeat of the French by the British, and the loss, in 1763, of all French territory in North America (except for the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon off Newfoundland's south coast) were traumatic experiences. When there were two imperial powers fighting for control of the continent, the Mi'kmaq were valued--and subsidized--as military allies of the French. With the loss of those subsidies and the decline of the fur trade in the northeast, the Mi'kmaq of the Atlantic region faced a grim future. That was particularly true in the Maritime provinces where British settlers occupied the lands and waters which had once been Mi'kmaq.

The Mi’qmag      exerpts from


Though it was the intention of the English upon establishing their new headquarters at Halifax to pacify the Indians -- it being the most practical solution to a long standing problem -- they knew it would take time and effort to do so. They were working against the French who were past experts when it came to winning Indians over. Halifax, until the situation improved, was to be a stockaded community. These stockades, as events were to prove, were needed.


Governor Cornwallis, obedient to his orders to pacify the Indians, was to send, within a couple of weeks of his arrival at Chebucto, on July 9th, 1749, Edward How to the St. John River. How made two trips; the first with John Rous and the second with John Gorham. The efforts were aimed at winning over the Malecites. On his second trip he took presents to the Indians including 1,000 bushels of corn and 500 bushels of wheat. These efforts lead to a treaty being signed. On August 15th, the Indians, a delegation of them having come to Halifax, signed a confirmation and ratification of the previous treatises entered into both in the years 1725 (December) and 1727 (July). The ceremony was concluded upon the deck of the Beaufort while she rode at anchor in the harbour. The St John Indians and the population at Halifax entertained one another: the befeathered and red faced Indians signed, while in the back ground a 17 gun salute boomed out: it was a ceremony that impressed all and sundry.


The First Attack at Dartmouth:

All of this pomp and ceremony was for naught. On September 30th, a group of men were out cutting wood to supply a mill operated by a Major Gilman in Dartmouth, a place just over the harbour from Halifax. An account by Thomas Beamish Akins:

"Six of his [Gilman's] men had been sent out to cut wood without arms. The Indians laid in ambush, killed four and carried off one, and the other escaped and gave the alarm, and a detachment of rangers was sent after the savages, who having overtaken them, cut off the heads of two Indians and scalped one." It is reported that an Acadian by the name of Joseph Broussard ("Beausoleil") led the natives in their attack at Dartmouth.


Next day the council determined to let loose the brave-hearted men among them, of which there were only a few, in declaring a bounty ("as is the custom of America") of ten gold guineas for every Indian taken or destroyed. This decision came as a result of an emergency Sunday meeting held aboard the Beaufort the day after the butchery in Dartmouth.


Thereafter, and for a ten year period,

"Nova Scotia lay under the continual terror of Indian warfare. Fear brooded over the land. There was no calculating where or when the deadly blow would fall. The thick set spruces gave no sign of warning. Stealthy forms glided through the forest by secret trails, or passed along the net-work of waterways in noiseless canoes; savage eyes watched the ways of the careless white man. And then muskets spoke suddenly from green boughs, or war-whoops shattered the night; and there were piteous scalped corpses to bury, or friends to mourn, who had vanished with their captors. There are trackings of rangers and skirmishes with war parties, exchange of shots without result."


Indian raids against the English continued in Nova Scotia until 1760. during these years there are no recorded raids against the Acadians.


I conclude, by making a note that I know of no similar attacks on the French communities within Nova Scotia; though, when the French officialdom as was represented by the priests in their midst wanted to impress the Acadians they warned they were in a position to play their Indian card and would do so if the Acadians did not fall into line. For example, during January, 1750, at Beaubassin, on the church steps, in the presence of their own priests, Le Loutre, with Indians at his back, threatened death to any Acadian who should travel to trade with the English.



Appendix G               from

Abbé Le Loutre (1709-72)

During the autumn of 1737, a 28 year old priest, Abbé Jean-Louis Le Loutre appeared before the harbour gates at Louisbourg. Newly arrived from France, a recent graduate of the Séminaire des Missions Etrangères, Paris, his first mission was to the Indians of  l’Acadie.

Le Loutre spent little time at Louisbourg, he left Ile Royale on 22nd September, 1738, to establish his mission among the Micmacs at Shubenacadie. The Indians wintered inland hunting game on the snows and summered on the coast gathering in the harvest along the sea shores. How different from him were the Micmac; whose views of nature and society were wholly strange to him. No matter, Le Loutre, throughout his career in Acadia, attended to the cause of God with enthusiasm and devotion; and, equally so, to the cause of France.

Le Loutre initially raised the ire of the English governor, Armstrong for failing to pay his compliments and to obtain a license for his mission from Annapolis Royal. This defect was soon cured, and, by and large, Le Loutre "remained on cordial terms with the British authorities until 1744."

The declaration of the War of  the Austrian Succession on March 18th, 1744, put  France and England on opposing sides again.  Le Loutre threw his cover and directly involved himself by assisting the French. It is clear, that the missionaries of the peninsula, of whom Le Loutre was but one (Abbé Maillard was another), "were advised to support the intentions of the Governor of Louisbourg and encourage the Indians to make as many forays into British areas as the military authorities consider necessary."

The British knew of Le Loutre and hated him for his activities which drove the Indians to strike at any unguarded English party they might come upon and they put a price on Le Loutre's head. He fled the province and showed up at Quebec "on 14th September, accompanied by five Micmacs, and left seven days later with specific instructions which in fact made him a military leader."

Le Loutre returned to France in the fall of 1746.  In May 1747, Le Loutre took passage aboard the La Gloire which was part of a larger French fleet making its way to America. Unfortunately, the French fleet was come upon by a fleet of British war ships at Cape Finisterre and Le Loutre was made a prisoner of the English. Abbé La Loutre returned to l’Acadie in 1749

Le Loutre made Chignecto his headquarters. While it is clear Le Loutre held sway over the superstitious Indians, he had more difficulty in getting the Acadians involved in the French cause. At any rate, the English recognized Le Loutre as a major agitator. Cornwallis called him "a good-for-nothing scoundrel," and offered that he would pay to any one, one hundred pounds if Le Loutre's head were brought to him.

The English continued to experience difficulties in expanding into Acadia for the next three years, and, doubtlessly, Le Loutre continued to do his best to serve the French crown working from his headquarters at the isthmus.

In the spring of 1750 Major Charles Lawrence under orders from his commander Edward Cornwallis went to the isthmus with 400 men to dislodge La Corne, Le Loutre and their followers from the isthmus. He was successful. Lawrence then proceeded to erect an English fort on a promontory south of the river Missaguash. In the spring, 1751, the French in response to the building of Fort Lawrence countered and built Fort Beauséjour.

During these years between the wars, 1748-1756, the Indians who allied themselves with the French kept up pressure on English settlements. The tactics of the Abenaki, amply encouraged by men of "religion," were essentially like that of the Iroquois, in that they would pounce "upon peaceful settlers by surprise, and generally in the night. ... [and] systematically to butcher helpless farmers and their families ..." These French priests took full advantage of the vivid imaginations of these children of the woods and told them stories which they loved to hear. For example, "they told the Indians that Jesus Christ was a Frenchman, and his mother, the Virgin, a French lady; that the English had murdered him, and that the best way to gain his favor was to revenge his death."

Le Loutre, in all of this, was to play no small role. He, many believed, had a mystical control over the Indians, such that he could stir them up directly against the English, at his will. These attacks, incidentally, were very effective and the objective was easily met. It became impossible in the late 1740s and through the 1750s for an English group to go beyond the protective walls of the community in order to work the land, or to harvest the sea and the woods around them, unless there was, nearby, a covering party of armed men. This was a big expense to a struggling colony and a real deterrent to new immigrants.

After forty years of having no more than but the barest military presence at their lonely outposts of Canso and Annapolis Royal, the English, throughout a three year period from 1749 to 1752, expanded their military presence in peninsular Nova Scotia. This impressive buildup drove Le Loutre, in December 1752, to return to France where he convinced the court to give him a packet of money to take back with him to Acadia, primarily to help the Acadians build more dikes around the "Shepody, Memramcook, and Petiticodiac rivers." In addition, the authorities threw in a personal pension for Le Loutre.

In the spring of 1753, Le Loutre returned from France aboard the Bizarre. It would appear he continued his work among the Indians, work mostly designed to stir them up; he used at least some of the money he brought with him from France to buy English scalps from the Indians. Whatever Le Loutre's accomplishments during 1753-4, it is plain the French authorities continued to be pleased with him; in 1754 he was appointed vicar-general of Acadia. But within the year of his appointment Le Loutre's career in Nova Scotia was to come to an end.

The English under Moncton took Fort Beausejour in 1755 and ended French military presence at the isthmus, and, more generally, in Acadia. Le Loutre's career in Nova Scotia was finally brought to an end. The British would have been pleased to have taken Le Loutre prisoner, but he gave the English the slip. He managed to vacate the fort by dressing as a woman and mixing in with a large number of other Acadians, who had been turned loose by the British just after the fort's capture. Le Loutre headed into the woods and eventually turned up at Quebec. Late in the summer of 1755 Le Loutre found his way to Louisbourg, and, soon thereafter, was sailing for France. Unfortunately for Le Loutre the ship he was on was captured by British naval forces. It would appear, that this time the British knew they had the infamous Le Loutre and so clapped him in irons and brought him to England where he remained in prison for eight years and released when the war was formally concluded in 1763.

Le Loutre never set foot again in North America. He died in 1772 in France. In the intervening years he was of considerable assistance to both the French authorities and the displaced Acadians which were thrown up on the shores of France.


Appendix H   from


A Procession of Immigrant Ships


1750:   Alderney; Ann; Nancy


1751:   Speedwell; Gale; Pearl; Murdock


1752:   Speedwell; Betty; Pearl; Sally; Gale



Appendix I


The Acadians

The Name Acadia

The name “Acadia” originally applies to the colonies of New France, an area which included southeastern Maine, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. The term may have come from the Greek, “Arcadia”, rural contentment, and the early French settlers became called Acadians.

The early settlers came with Sieur de Monts and Samuel de Champlain in 1604 on an expedition that was part exploration but mostly because they thought there was money to be made in this new world. Territorial expansion required settlers to stake the royal claim, work the land and exploit its resources.

They arrived in August of 1604 and set up for the winter on St Croix Island in the Bay of Fundy. Half the people died: they had only the food they brought in the ship; they had no fruit or vegetables and so suffered from scurvy; they cut down the few trees for shelter and nearly froze to death. De Monts and Champlain had wisely returned to France for the winter.

In June of 1605 a ship arrived and removed the remaining settlers to a more protected site in a sheltered bay and set up a small fort at Port Royal, built the Habitation and established friendly relations with the local Indians who taught them how to fish, hunt and harvest natural foods.

New settlers followed. They worked hard, tilling the land and building a dyke system the allowed them to farm on the rich salt marshes. This system of dykes is still in place, nearly 400 years later. Not do they prevent the ocean tides from flooding the fields, they allow the fields to drain back into the ocean. They built houses, created gardens, erected churches.

Women played an important part in Acadian settler life.  They could spin and weave wool, cook, sew and do light work in the fields. In those days wealth was measured by workload, so most people had large families knowing that all the children would do their own share of the work. There were no orphanages in those days either, a member of the child's family took them in to raise as one of their own. They would often gather at someone's house and enjoyed singing, dancing and exchanging jokes while they worked, and were always ready to lend each other a helping hand. They were very pious and they, along with their husbands, believed in peace, tranquillity...and equality. Children were taught their schooling at home, or the oldest person in the village would teach them. A brave, strong woman was usually picked to become a midwife/doctor or in French they were know as a "Sage Femme".

After the end of the Seven years War and the sighing of the Treaty of Utrecht, the Acadian were asked to sign an Oath of Allegiance to England or move to another French territory such as Ile Royale, Cape Breton. The Acadians who refused to move to Cape Breton were given one year to decide whether go or to stay and to swear fealty to Britain. They refused both but promised to stay neutral. In 1754 the Lieutenant Governor of Nova Scotia was sure that the Acadians would side with Louisbourg so they were forced to Halifax to swear fealty to Britain where once again the Acadians refused.

In 1755 the Expulsion or the Grand Derangement began, the aftermath made immortal by Longfellow's poem "Evangeline". British soldiers separated families and put them on ships. Approximately 6,000 people in all were deported to areas such as New England, Louisiana, France and England, to name a few. Some drowned at sea in shipwrecks.

In 1762 there was peace in Nova Scotia, some Acadians walked across Maine, and New Brunswick to Grand Pre where they were given land in St. Mary's Bay at Majors Point (in what's now known as Clare) Most were farmers but the land wasn't farming land so as resourceful as they were they turned to the sea and became fishermen. Many Acadians came back to Acadia and many are still here even now!

The Acadian Flag is like the flag of France except for the gold star in the blue. Each colour has significant meaning which is as follows : Blue= Sky - Sea - The Harmony between them and Loyalty Red= Blood - Courage - Reminder of the suffering and hardships in our history White= Lily - Purity of our Spirit - Present Peace Yellow / Gold Star - The Virgin Mary - "Stella Maris"


Stella Maris (Star of the Sea) - Hope - Devotion - it also indicates the guiding light of our future. This is the emblem that represents our Acadian heritage, ancestors and the original lands of Acadia, established in Canada in the mid 1600's. A few years ago, the Acadian Flag was officially recognized and proclaimed a National Flag, by the then Canadian Lieutenant-Governor Leger.


The Acadian People


Descriptions of the Acadians were varied in the words of those who wrote of them, most but not all, of a positive nature. A sampling:


“The Acadians were the most innocent and virtuous people I have ever known or read of. They anticipated each others wants, and demanded no interest for loans of money. They were remarkable for their purity of morals, I do not remember a single instance of an illegitimate birth among them, nor marital infidelity. They were altogether ignorant of progress in the arts and sciences, depended little on outside sources but for salt and tools…


They were a very healthy people, able to endure great fatigue, and generally living to advanced age though none of them employed doctors…


The men were hard-working in the sowing and harvesting seasons, securing for at least half the year, leisure, save for cutting wood for their fuel and hunting. The women were more constantly at work. Though most of them were quite illiterate, yet seldom did any of them remain silent for long. They appeared at heart joyful and accustomed to behave with candor under all circumstances. If there ever were a people that recalled the Golden Age, that people was the old-time Acadians…


Trade with the French and English provided what they could not produce and there were few houses without a cask of French wine; their country was rich in thousands of head of cattle…


The Acadians were not poets, nor enthusiasts, nor dreamers; they were simply good folks, ‘des braves gens’, very obliging to one another, very religious, very devoted to their families and living gaily in the midst of their children without much worry…


The building of dykes on the tidal marshes is a mark of the Acadians, and remnants of many still exist. It was not an unfamiliar technique in their homeland, Dutch engineers having supervised the French in the construction of such fertile farmland in the early half of the 17th century. The charge that the Acadians chose to cultivate the lowlands rather than clear the forests because they were “lazy” is entirely without merit. They knew their land, and comparing the uplands of Acadia with farmland of France ignored what the Acadians had learned; those uplands were simply not as productive. Further, the building of dykes was every bit as labor intensive as axe-work, probably greater. Crops grown included an abundance of wheat, as well as peas, corn, oats, barley, rye, apples, cherries, varieties of the cabbage family, and flax from which linen was woven. Root crops included carrots, turnip, onions and potatoes.


Livestock raised by them included cattle, sheep, and swine. Horses represented a small portion of their holdings, one observer noting “they had little use for them.” The sheep were kept primarily for their wool, the family meat diet consisting of beef, pork, and wild game, the last serving as an alternative to large poultry holdings. Cattle of course also provided traction, leather, and milk. Fishing was not a commercial enterprise of these early Acadians, but it did play a role as food supply, especially in time of crop failure or dyke destruction (whether by the elements or the English). Weirs were built across rivers and bass, shad, herring, and alewife were caught; cod from the open waters was a staple in the diet as well.


The relationship of the Acadians and the Micmac Indians of the region was unique when compared with that of other European settlers in America due in no small way to what evolved with respect to the “division” of territory. The Acadians established themselves on the lowlands, the natives continued to hunt and fish the woods. With rare exceptions it was a harmonious relationship, each side contributing knowledge and goods to the other and the Indians became the allies of the French, and brothers and sisters in their faith, to a significant degree. The bedding of Indian women was likely a common practice in the early fur-trading days, but it never became an accepted or established practice in the organized settlements; the priests discouraging such sharing of the blanket. While they did continue to a minor degree throughout the Acadian presence, they were more likely, in the words of historian Clark, “…to lead the men to the forest than the woman to the cornfields.” While the Indians did not share the European’s view of individual land ownership, they tolerated the permanent settlements of the Acadians in that European tradition. Their idea of “settlement” was pitching a village (for a limited period of time) where the hunting or fishing was to their benefit. The Micmacs likely watched as their neighbors fought the sea and wrestled with the soil to build their dykes on the tidal marshes, doubtless thinking it was a waste of time; crazy Frenchmen…not a problem.


The role of the priests among the Acadians was a significant one and they were for the most part much respected and their advice sought in all matters, religious and civil. Disputes in the community were brought before him and his resolution generally accepted by the parties involved. Education centered on matters ecclesiastical (in many cases limited to no more than  twelve or so years) may not have always equipped them to deal with matters civil, but they seldom resisted the challenge, and by applying the general tenants of the Christian ethic, likely were worthy of the respect granted them.


Their apparent lack of any significant effort to educate the Acadians in matters other than their faith is indicative of the nature of such things in the mother country, where the formal education of those in rural areas, and certain groups within the urban areas, was considered unnecessary rather than, as some charge “to keep them ignorant.” The education of the average Acadian came from his or her parents, who taught the skills to survive, prosper, and provide homes abundant in love and good cheer.